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A SKETCH 



OF THE 



%tM SftllfU' 



OP THE 



SEVERAL TOWNS ON LONG-ISLAND; 



WITH THEIR -:rT 

6 i ^ 



rOLZ^ICAI, C0MBZT£01»^, 



TO THE 



END OF THE AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 



BY SILAS WOOD. 



A NEW EDITION. 



[ BROOKLYN, K. K 

PItlSTSD By ALDEN SPOONEH, FULTO.V-STBEKa 



1828. 



f^fw^ 



I^ 



ADVERTISEMENT. 

The object of the republicalion of this work, is to supply some defi- 
ciencies, particularly in relation to the colony government, and the sketch 
of General Woodhull ; the materials lor which, were obtained Irom the 
Secretary's office. 

A brief statement of the inferior courts on Long-Island has been added 
in the appendix, to illustrate the changes of the law relative to them, 
with the names of the judges and clerks, to which I have also added the 
names of the members of Assembly from the several counties on Long- 
Ish-d, from 1691 to 1776 

I have also given a sketch of the biography of Col. William Smith, and 
William Nicolls, Esqrs. which is identified with the history of that pe- 
riod. 

I embrace this occasion to express my acknowledgments to the Secre- 
tary and Deputy Secretary, the Clerk of the Supreme Court at New- 
York, to the Clerks of the several counties and towns on Long-Island for 
free access to their offices, and (o all those gentlemen who have aided 
me by their researches, or have contributed to the facts contained in this 
work. 






A SKET( IT 

OF THE 

FIRST SETTLEMENT OF LONG-ISLAND, kc. 

The state of the Counfry. 

AT thp time of the fir-t settleinpiit of Lo.ig-Isla id, it ap- 
pears th:jt the western part of it, if not the whole, was in a 
great measure hare of timber. 

Ti.e Indians here, as every whore else where they were 
settled, aniuiall} burnt ov r the woods, i:i order to clear the 
land, to provide food for the deer and other game. 

Tiiere are numerous farts to prove that, at the time of the 
first settlement of the Island, the woods vver*- destitute of un- 
derbrush, and tiiat the large trees were so scarce that it was 
deemed necessary to take measures for their preservation. 

The first settlers in every town commenced their improve- 
ments without any previous clearing. They generally en- 
closed large tracts of land by a common fence, for planting, 
and also for pasturing such part of tlieir stock as they did not 
wish to run at large. In I64G the people of the town of 
Gravesend, by a vote at the first town meeting, held in the 
town, ordered every inhabitant to make twenty poles offence, 
to enclose a common field for corn ; and in 1648, voted in 
like manner to make a common pasture for their calves 

Similar regulations were made in Newtown, in Hempstead, 
in Huntington, and probably in most, if not all the towns on 
the Island. In 1654 tiie town of Soulhold passed a resolu- 
tion, that no person should cut trees or sell wood from their 
common lands, for pipe staves, or heading, or other purposes, 
to any person not being a townsman, ' without the town's lib- 
erty." In 1659 the town of Huntington, by a vote of 'own 
meeting, resolved that no timber should be rut for sale within 
three mdes of the settlement, under the pcMidtv "f five shillings 
for every tree. In 1660 they made an exception of oak tim- 
ber for pipe staves ; but in 166S the magistr ites, after sr;tnig 
their apprehensions that the town was in danger of being ruin- 
ed by the destruction of its timber, ordered that no timber 
should be cut, for transportation, within three miles of the set- 



tiement, under the penalty of five shillings for every tree ; 
and forbid strangers cutting any timber, within the limits of 
the town, under the like peiialty. 

In 1660 the town of Oysterbay passed a similar resolution. 

In 1664 the town of Southampton voted tluit no timber 
Si ould be made into pipe slaves, to be carried outol the town, 
under the penalty of twenty shillings a tree. 

In 1668 the town of Newtown voted that no one should 
carry any timber to the water side for transportation, under 
the penalty of ten shillings a load. 

The trees in the woods were so thin and sparse, that they 
abounded with feed, and the settlers depended on them for 
pasture for such catde as were not needed for domestic pur- 
poses. 

In 1658 the town of Hempstead employed a herdsman to 
attend their cattle. There are various resolutions of this town 
for a series of years, to the same effect. They drove tlieir 
cattle as far as Cow-Neck to pasture, and it is supposed to 
have taken its name from that circumstance.* 

In 1665 the town of Huntington, by a vote of town meet- 
ing, ordered tiiat all the young and dry cattle belonging to 
the town, should be driven to Horse-Neck, to pasture, after 
the second day of June ensuing. 

In 1666 the town of Gravesend employed a herdsman to 
attend their cattle that run at large, during the summer season. 

By neglecting the Indian pracdce of annual burnings, in a 
few years young timber and underbrusli increased so as to 
injure the feed in the woods. 

In 1668 the town of Huntington, at town meeting, voted 
that every male over sixteen, should assemble when warned 
by the men who were appointed for that purpose, to cut down 
brush or underwood, when it should be thought a fit time to 
destroy it, under the penalty of five shillings a day for ne- 
glect. 

7th October, 1672. The Governor and court of assize, by 
an order, after stating that the feed for horses and cattle in the 
Avoods on Long-Island, had decayed by the increase of brush 
and underwood, directed the inhabitants from sixteen to sixty, 
to turn out four days in every year, under the direction of the 

* The openness of the country was very favorable to the increase of stock, and the 
great plain around the town of Hempstead is pecnliarly so, and their cattle became 
quite numerous within a few years after tlie settleuicnt of the town. 

In 1658, the people of Hempstead had 84 cows, which brought them 82 calves that 
year. 

In 1659, the town consisted of 62 families, and it appears from the accounts of their 
herdsujca for that year, that they had C20 head of cattle of all sorts. 



town officers, to cut out tlie brush and underwood, under the 
penalty of five shillinp:s for every day's net?lect. 

In 1G74, the town ol" lainaica, by a vote ciftovvn meeting-, re- 
solved tiiat cverv male upwards of sixteen, should go out two 
days in thi! vcar, at tlie-iinie appointed for that purpose, to 
cut down brush about the town, under the penalty of five 
shillings for every day's neglect. 

By similar evidence, it appears that the pine plains were 
also at the time of the first settlement of the Island, in a great 
measure unincumbered with underbrush. 

This state of the country was of immense advantage to the 
first settlers. Had they been obliged to encounter thick fo- 
rests of large timber, and to wait the tardy returns of heavy 
clearings, the 'first emigrants \\ould probably have perished 
by famine The openness of the country — the quantity of 
land left unoccupied by the sparseness of the Intlian popula- 
tion and the rapid growth and nutritive quality of the corn 
found among the Indians, contributed essentially to the pre- 
servation, growth, and prosperity of the first settlers on Long- 
Island. 

Of the interfering claims of the English and the Dutch to 
Long- Island. 

The English and the Dutch both claimed Long-Island, on 
the ground of prior discovery. 

On the discovery of America, it seems to have been adopt- 
ted by the maritime nations of Europe, as a part of the conven- 
tional law of nations, that new discoveries should enure to the 
nation under whose authority they were made.* 

North America from 30 to 58 degrees of north latitude, was 
discovered in 1497, by Sebastian Cabot in the service of the 
English, and various voyages were made to different parts of 
the coast by F>nglish navigators previous to the year 1606. 

In 1606, King James by letters patent, granted all that part 

* The Pope gave Spain and Portugal all tlie countries inhabited by infidfls which, 
tliey sliould discover. Tlie otlier nitions of Europe claimed the enjoyment of the 
same privilege, and for a long 'imp the naked discovery of a country without orcupa- 
tion or settlement, furiiiL<hed tiie ground of an exclusive claim to an indeiiiiite portion 
of the discovered cofcniry. The inconvenience and injustice of this doctiine by degrees 
lessened its force, till it has, by common consent, fallen into oblivion. In I7!!0, when 
the Spaniards, in pursuance of the old doctrine, had seized the sliips ol" Great Biitain at 
Nootka Sound, the ministry proposed an inmiediale resort to force for rediess Mr, 
Fox, in support of the proposed measure, observed, " Tliat in the present enlightened 
age, the absolute claim* of territory, by a grant from the Pope, is done away, as is tlie 
right of territory by discovery with ut absolute settlement. The taking possession by 
fixing Up a cross, or any such m;irk of ceremony, is by the good sense of the present 
time not a<hriitted, and llial the only ground of right is absolute occupancy " 

If this doctrine had prevailed in 1(561, it iniglit have altered the destiny of the 
Dutch province of iNew-Ncthcrhnd. 



6 

of the continent which lay between 34 and 45 decrees ofnoith 
latitude, to Sir Thomas Gates and others, with permission to 
divide themselves into two companies, thf^ first to be called the 
London company, and the seronij the Plymontli company. 

In IG07, The l^ondon company ctjjmujenceiJ a setllcinent in 
Virginia. 

In 1609, the King granted a separate patent to the first 
company, extending from Point Comfort two hundred miles 
each wny, and in length from s^a to sea. 

In 1620, The same King granted a separate patent to the 
second company by the name of " the council esta!)lished at 
Plymouth in the co nty of Devon for the plantin^^, ruling, and 
governing of New Kny:land in Aineric:i," for all that part of 
the continent lying between 40 and 48 d -grees of nortii lati- 
tude, and extending fro •• sea to sea. In virtue of this charter 
which is usually called the \ew Kngluid ,rrUeiit, the (ouncil 
of Plymouth issued all the subordinate patents of tl^e several 
colonies which were granted before it was surrendered to the 
crown, to wit, the Plymouth patent in I6J3, that of Massa- 
chusetts in 1628, and that of Connecticut, 1631.* 

The same company, by order of Charles tlie first, on the 
22d of April, in the 11th year of his reign, issued letters pa- 
tent to William, Earl of Stirling, "Secretary of the Kingdom 
of Scotland," for the whole of LongTdaud. 

April 20, in the 12th year of Iharles I, the Earl of Stirling 
executed a power of attorney to James Karret, to sell and dis- 
pose of lands on the Island, and the earliest purchases made by 
the English on the Island, were made orcoiifii med by audiority 
derived from him.f A certified copy of this power of attor- 
ney, tak^n from the record of Massachusetts, is among the 
papers in the oiSce of the clerk of tiie town »>f Southampton. 

* In June, ItiSS, llie Plymoutl) comp-iiiy surrendered their charter to the Crown, 
and recommended th^^t the whole country embraced by it slioiild be divided into a 
number of provinces, each to be under the government of some Lord, and tlie whole to 
be under a Gover uor General to be appointed by the' crown. But the plan was not 
adopted. Shortly iiter the dissolution of tlie romp-.iny, the King appointed the Arch- 
bishop of Crinterbury, and some of ttiejiieat offi/er^ of the crown, a boaid of (.'omuiis- 
sioners to re^ul ite ttie aff.iirs of the colonies; it does not appear that the ho ii'd ever 
proceeded to execute their trust, and .ihe different parts of tlie couiili> that liad not 
been patented by the Plymouth company, were alter that period granted by letters 
patent of the King or his Governors. ' 

I William Alexander was born in Scotland in 1580. was knighted by .James the 6tli, 
of Scotland, and 1st of England I6I4, obtained letters patent for Nova Scotia in 11321, 
was made secretary of the Kingdom of Scotland in Ki'iti, Peer of Scollajidin KJiiO, and 
was created Earl of Stirling in 1633. He obtained a grant for Long-Island in 1035, 
and died in 1640. He was succeeded l)y his grand-son, who died a few months after 
him, who was succeeded by his uncle Henry, who relinquislied the grant of Long-Island 
to the crown or to the Duke of York, before the patent to him in ili6l, in which it was 
inserted The grant of Long-Island to Lord Stirling, and the relinquishment of it to 
the crown or to the Duke of York by his heirs, is recegni;!ed in the patent of Gov. 
NicoU to Constant Sylvester and Nathaniel Sylvester, for Shelter-Island, 3lst May, 
1G66. 



In 1609, Henry Hudson, an Englishman in the service of 
the Dutch, visited and explored the harbor of New-York, and 
the river which has since been called by his name.* 

In 1611, the merchants of Amsterdam sent out some ships 
with goods, and opened a trade witli the natives. 

In 1613 the Dutch were visited by the Knglish from Vir- 
ginia, and submitted to pay an acknowledgment to the crown 
of England. 

in 1614, They received a reinforcement from Europe, 
erected a fort and refused to submit to the English. The 
English in America, did not think proper, or were not in a 
condition to renew their efforts to reduce or restrain the Dutch. 

In 1615, they sailed up th'? North Hiver and erected a fort 
on a small island, a short distance below Albany, and in a 
short time afterwards erected Fort Orange at Albany, on the 
spot as is supposed, where the mansion house of Simeon Dc 
Witt, the Surveyor General of the state ofN. York now stands. 

In 1621, the States General granted the Dutch West India 
Company an exclusive right to trade to America for twenty- 
four years, with various other privileges. 

The Dutch seem at their first arrival, and for many years 
afterwards, to have had no other views in visiting the country 
than to engross the trade witi) the natives. It docs not appear 
that they had then adopted any plan for the settlement and 
improvement of the country. No serious attempt at coloni- 
zation appears to have been made till the latter part of Van 
Twiller's administration, who arrived in 1629, and was suc- 
ceeded by Kieftin 1638. 

The first purchase of the Indi ms on Long-Island that has 
been discovered, was in 1635, and the earliest deed for land to 
individuals, is a patent from Governor VanTwiller to Andries 
Hedden and Wolphert Garritsen, for a tract of land in Amers- 
fort or Flatlands, bearing date of 6th June 1636. 

In 1643 Governor Kieft states that the Dutch settlements 
at that time, only extended 10 miles east and west, and seven 
miles north and south. 

The first mention made of cattle, is a distribution made by 
VanTwiller in 1638.f Before this period the Dutch establish- 

* According to De Laet, Adrian Block, in 1614, sailed from New Amsterdara, now 
New-York, tlirougli tlie Sound to Cape Cod, and visited tlie intermediate coast and 
Islands. If so, he was the (irst who ascertained that Long-Island was separated from 
the main. In 1610, Tlioinus Dernier in sailing from New England to Virginia, passed 
tlirough the Sound and confirmed the discovery of Adrian Block. In his journal he 
states " we found a mo.st dangerous cataract amongst small rockey Islands, occasion- 
ed by two unequ.ll tides, the one ebbing and flowing two hours before tiie-otliers." 

I" June 4tli, 16;?8, Governor Van Twiller let George Rapelje have two Cows for 
four years, then to be returned with lialf their increase, with the exception of a heifer 
which he consented s'lould be retained as a present to one of tiie daughters of Ilapelje. 
'Ufais seems to have been a common mode of furnishing the settlers with stock. 



8 

laents seem to have been principally, if not purely commercial, 
and were probably under the superintendence of a factor or 
commercial agent. 

It seems that the claims of the Dutch were not limited to 
anv definite portion of the country, and that they extended 
their cbim with their purchases and settlements. 

In 16GI, Governor Siuyvesant complains to the directors 
of the West India Company, that they were without a patent to 
support their claim. The Dutch in order to extend their 
claims to as much of the country as possible, at an early period 
made a purchase on the Delaware, and in 1633 on Connecti- 
cut river, and claimed the whole country between those two 
rivers. 

The English a few months afterwards, also made a purchase 
on Connecticut river, and erected a house a few miles above 
Fort Hope, which had shortly before been erected by the 
Dutch. The English commenced a settlement at Saybrook 
in 1635, at Hartford in 1636, and at New-Haven in 1638, 
and continued to extend their settlements westward until they 
met the Dutch in Stamford in 1640. 

Of the settlement of the Island. 

Both powers endeavoured to strengthen their respective 
claims to the Island by extending thsiir settlements there. 

The two extremities of the Island were first settled ; the west 
end under the Dutch and the east end under the English. 

The several settlements under the two powers were nearly 
cotemporary, and were all commenced within the compass of 
forty years. 

Both the Dutch and ' nglish territories on Long-Island, 
were settled by villages or towns, nor was there any combina- 
tion of these into counties before the conquest of the English 
in 1664. 

The extent of the towns in the English territory, and of the 
English towns in the Dutch territory', was regulated by the 
extent of their Indian purchases. The extent of the Dutch 
Towns was probably regulated by the extent of their grants 
from the Governor. 

In the Dutch towns it seems that the lands were generally 
purchased by the Governor, and were by him granted to in- 
dividuals. In the Eiiglisli towns in the Dutch territory, the 
lands were generally purchased of the natives by the settlers, 
with the consent of the Dutch Governor; and in the Towns 
under the English, the lands were purchased of the natives 



by the settlers, originnlly with the consent of the ngpnt of the 
Earl of Stirling ; and alter his death, the purchases of the In- 
dians were made by tlie people of tlie several towns for their 
common henefit.* 

In cases of grants to con)panies by the Dutch Governor, the 
lands were divided by lot; and in all cases of purchase, the 
rights of individuals were deemed to be in proportion to their 
contribution to the purchase, or to the patent by which it was 
confirmed. 

A single family o( French protestants seems to have settled 
on the Island in the vicinity of New- York as early ?ls 1625. 
In a family record in the hands of G^n. Johnson of Brooklyn, 
it is stated that the first clnld of George Jansen De Rapalje, 
was born at the Wallaboght that year; audit is a tradition 
among the Dutch, that this was the first wlnte child that was 
born on the Island. 

This fiimily and perhaps a few others, may have thus early 
located themselves on the shores of the Island opposite New- 
York, but it is supposed '.hat very few emigrants liad yet ar- 
riven in the Dutch territories, whose object was the cultivation 



* The 111 si jiurchiise ofSoutholci was made under the fiultiority o!' New-Haven, and 
the purciiase o! E i t..ainp';»n « .- ni-ide by the (iovernor of .^'ew-H.^v«■n and Hartford, 
and the land.- were afterwarls conveyed to tne lespfctive settlers ot tlie two iowns. 

Lyon Gardiner was the miii- pioprie or ol tiardlnei's l^l•lnd. .•^tttlt-r Isl-md was 
purchased by lames Fairett, wid alter some iiitermedi.ite louveyaiice;. in Uitit), became 
vested in Natii in!.-! lylvester, (.^on-tanl Sylv-e^ter, and Ihonn- VliihJlelon. Constant 
Sylve.ster resided in B irbadoes, ma Ihom is Middlfton in Eng,land Dining the 
period ot the Uutcn power, on Ihe reconqui-st ol the colons, tlie Dutch Ciovernor on 
theV!3tli \pril, I6i4. b' •. iorinil act coniiscated the lights of those two (lenileraan as 
public enemies, -aid on the iotii of Xugnst !.old the -arae lo IV tth inii-l .Sylvester for 
boo. ior which he give his b'«ni. When it was ,i>cerlained thut the Dutch must 
shoril> leave the country, it ajjpeArs, from a recital in tlie will ol Nailianiel Sylves- 
ter, dared in Ih79, reciting the conrisration and hill o: tale, iliat the (lovmioi sent a 
ship with titty soldier- to Shelter Island, to collect Ihe i!j<'iie> due on th>- said >iond. 
They lauded on liie 1-1 ,iid, siirroii ded the iioufi- o, N '.iV.uiiel Sylves!<r, .uui com- 
pelled hiin to p.iy them the nmount of the bond. Smiiatown was given to Liyon Gar- 
diner by NVyandance. in I(j.j9, by whom it was sold to Richard Sinitii in 1663, and 
was coufniiied by the Nissaquague Sachem in lOtiS 

William Nicolls was the origin. il pinch -ffr and sole D'oprietor of the greater p'artdf 
Islip. Eaton's ;\eck was given to Governor Eaton by the Indians, and *inttirop'8 
patent in like manner to Governor Winthrop. Exclusive of .ludge Smith's purchases 
and a few others, the other lands in the several towns in Suflblk county, were pur- 
chased by the first settlers in coramoD. , 

The lands in the occnpancj of the Indians in the towns of Southampton and East- 
liampion, belong to those towns respectively. The Indians have only a usufructuary 
property in them. 

The peninsula of Montauk contains about 9000 acres, liOO of which are timber, and 
1000 water, is divided into three fiel.ls ; the first or coiimion field, contains titjOO acres 
the other two 1.00 each. The Indians occupy one or o'.lier of the smaller fields as 
they choose, from the time of planting, to the time of gathering corn, and have a 
right to keep 52 head of cattle or horses. The whole is divided into 38 shares, each 
share entitles the proprietor to put 56 head of cattle inio toe common field, the first 
week in April, and on the first of June to put 12 ot the m into the fatting field. 
The fat cattle are taken away the fir.^t of November, and the others the first of De- 
cember. One horse is deemed equivalent to two cattle, or four calves, or 7 sheep. 

2 



10 

of the soli. The earliest deed for land in the town of Brook- 
lyn, is a grant to Abraham Rycken in 1638; and the earliest 
deed on record, is a grant to Thomas Besker in the year 
1639, and the earliest grant for lands in Kings county that 
has been discovered, was in 1636. 

This must be considered as the commencement of the Dutch 
settlements on Long-Island. There is no evidence that any 
direct and systematic efforts were made for this purpose, till 
this period. 

In 1641, the Dutch Governor and Council, in order to 
strengthen their claim to the Island, consented that the Eng- 
lish should settle there under their jurisdiction, on taking the 
oath of allegiance to the states general, and the Dutch West 
India Company. 

The Town of Gravesend in Kings county, and the several 
Towns of Hempstead, Flushing, Jamaica, and Newtown in 
Queens County, were originally settled by Knglishmen on 
^hese conditions: The other towns in Kings County were 
settled by the Dutch, and all the other towns on the Island, 
were settled under the English. 

The first settlement under the English was made by Lyon 
Gardiner, on Gardiner's Island, in 1639, under a purchase 
made by him of the natives, which was confirmed by Jahies 
Farret, agent of the Earl of Stirling, in 1640. 

In October 1640, the people of Southold commenced a set- 
tlement on a tract of land which had been purchased of the 
natives by the government of New-Haven. 

In May 1640, the English attempted to make a settlement 
on a tract of land on the east side of Great Meek, or on the 
west side of Cow Neck, in the town of North Hempstead, on 
the north side of the Island, which had been pin-chased of the 
natives by Daniel How, under an agreement with the agent of 
the Earlof Stirling: ; but were prevented by Kieft, the Dutch 
Governor, and the settlers removed to Southampton, purchas- 
ed a tract of land of the natives, aud commenced a settlement 
there in December 1640, which was the foundation of that 
town.* 



*By an agreement bearing date I7th April, IG-JO, James Farrft, agent of the Earl 
of Stirling, autlioiized Daniel How, Job Payne and others, their associate?, to pur- 
chase lands, and form n settlement on Long-Island, '| with as full and free liberty both 
in church order and civil government, as the pUniations in Massachusetts enjoyed." 

By virtue of this agreement, Daniel How shortly after made a purchase of the na- 
tives on the Island, " Which extended from the eastern part of Oysterbay, to the 
western part of a bay called after him. How's hay, to the middle of the plains, being 
half the breadth of the Island," and inmiedi telj commenced a s^^ttl'^meut in the 
western part of said purchase May 13. h '0. f^overnor Kieft si nt Cornelius Van 
TienUoven, the Secretary, the under Sheritf, a Sergeant, and twenty-five soldiers to 



11 

In iG42. the English advarKed as far as Oyslerbay, within 
the tract purchased by Captain How, and were broken up 
by the Dntch Governor. Some of the English planters were 
seized and imprisoned, and others driven from their settle- 
ments. 

The line of division between the respective territories of tho 
two oowers, was a constant source of contention between them, 
and the public harmony was interrupted by mutual complants 
of encroachments on Long-Island, as well as on the main. 

It was at length attempted to put an end to these com- 
plants, and to secure peace and quiet on the borders, by de- 
iiniiively settling the boundaries between their respective ter- 
ritories. 

M;»y 19, 1643, the four New England colonies, Plymouth, 
Massachusetts, Hartford, and New-Haven, formed a union for 
their!, utual security, and the protection of the settlements that 
'"ere connected with them. 

Pubhc affairs were transacted by two commissioners from 
each colony. All controversies between the English and the 
Dutch, were from that period on the part of the EngUsh man- 
aged by the commissioners of the united colonies. 

A treaty for the adjustment of differences, and the settlement 
of boundaries between the two powers, was negociated by Mr. 
Bradstreet, of Massachusetts, and Mr. Prince of Plymouth, on 
the part of the Commissioners, and by Thomas Willet and 
George Baxter, on the part of the Dutch Governor, at Hart- 
ford, the 19th September, 1650. 

(Scout's bay, to break up the said settlement. The party set out the I4th and re- 
turned the I5th. They found the company, consisting of eight men and a woman 
with an infant, who had erected one house, and were engaged In erecting another. — 
The party brought six of the men with them to the Governor, to wit, Job Sayre, 
George Wells, John Farrington, Philip Cartland, Nathaniel Cartland, and William 
Harcher, whom he confined, and examined on oath. On examination it appeared that 
they came from Lynn, near Boston, and were brought to the Island by James Farret, 
in a vessel commanded by Daniel How, both of whom had returned to New- Haven. 
On the I9th these men, on sip,ning an agreement to leave the place, were dismissed. 

How's bay was the same as Scout's bay, and is the bay between Cow Neck and 
Great Neck, and so called in the ancient deeds for land adjoining it. Martin Gar- 
retson's bay is the bay between Great Neck and Little Neck, and is the boundary be • 
tween Flusliing and North Hempstead. 

The settlement therefore must have been on the east side of Great Neck, or tlie 
west side of Cow Neck, and probably at the latter place. After their settlement at 
How's bay was broken up, Daniel How and his associates went to Southampton, con- 
tracted with the natives for the purchase of a tract of land there, and advanced thejn 
some part of the consideration to secure the bargain. 

December I3th, IB-JO, they settled the payment of the remaining part of the consid. 
eration, obtained a deed for the land, and commenced their settlement. They held 
their first town meeting the 6tli of April, 1641, and their town meetings are regularly 
recorded from that period. 

The acknowledgment to the Earl of Stirling, or his heirs, was fixed by Governor 
Winthrop of Boston in I64I, according to an agreement with James Farrett, at four 
bushels of Indian corn. p:iyable the las', day of September annually, at Southampton. 



12 

By that treaty it was mutually agreed, with regard to the 
boundaries between the two powers on I ong Island, " That a 
Jitie run from the westerniost part of 0\sterbav, and so a 
straight and direct line to the sea, shall be ihe bounds betwixt 
the English and Dutch there. The easterly part to belong to 
the English, and the westermost to the Dutch." 

When Oysterbay came to b settled by the English, a dis- 
pute arose b»tween them and thp Dutch Governor, respecting 
the w'f'Stermost limits of the bay ; and this with the delay of 
the States General to ratify the treaty, f .rnished the Dutch 
Governor with a pretext for not fultilliiig it. 

In 1659. the directors of tl)e \^ est India company ordered 
the Dutch Governor, to erect a Fort, or to buihl a Block-house 
on their east bay, in order the more efl'ectually to resist the 
encroachments of the English. 

In 1G6I, the Governor informed them thar he had not 
begun the Fort on Long-Island, near 0\sterbay, " because 
our neighbours lay the hound;»ries a mile ;Mid a half more 
westerly than we do ; and the more as your honours are not 
inclined to stand to the treaty of Hartford," and although the 
treaty was ratified by the States General ihe 22d February, 
1656, yet it seems that the Governor never wholly relincjuish- 
ed his claim of Jurisdiction over that town, or a part of it. 

In June 1656, the commissioners of the United Colonies 
in answer to a C(»mmunicalion of the Dutch Governor, re- 
proach him with still continuing to claim Oysterbay, in viola- 
tion of the treaty of Hartford. 

I hese disputes involved the petiple of Oysterbay in much 
difficulty and perplexity To avoid giving offence to one power 
or the other, and to secure peace and quietness, they were 
compelled to observe a kind ot neutrality between the con- 
tending parties. 

December 13, 1660, they resolved by a vote of the people 
in Town meeting, that no person should intermeddle to put 
the town either under the Dutch or English, until the differ- 
ence between them should be ended, under the penalty of £50 
sterling. 

January 8, 1662, they seem to have taken a more decisive 
part. They avowed their allegiance to the King of England, 
and resolved to defend any one who should be molested for 
exercising authority among them, at their common expense. 

It is presumed that this town about this period, united with 
the other English towns on the Island east i.f Hempstead, in 
their voluntary submission to the jurisdiction of Connecticut. 



13 



Oftlie order in lohich the several Towns on the Island 
were settled. 

The time of the settlement of the English towns, is to be col- 
lected from the dates of their respective purchases of the na- 
tives, and that of the Dutch towns f'-om the grants of the 
Governor, or from the original records of their respective 
proceedings. From these, it appears that the first settlement 
of the several towns on the Island, was commenced at or near 
the time, and in the order following : 

Biooklyn, - - - - 1636 
Flatlands, originally Amersfort, - - 1636 
Gardiners' Island, _ . - 1639 
Southold, - - . - - 1640 
Southampton, - - - - 1640* 
Hempstead, . - - - 1644 
Gravesend, . . - - 1645 
Flushing, originally Vlusshingen, - - 1645 
East Hampton, . - - - 1648 

Flat Bush, originally Midwout, - - 1651 
Shelter Isia id, - - - - 1652 

Huntington, _ - - - 1653 
Oysterbay, - _ - - 1653 

Brookhaven, . _ - - 1655 
JNewtown, originally IMiddleburgh, - 1655 

Jamaica, originally Rustdorpe, - - 1656 
New tirecht, - - - - 1657 
Bushuick, - - - - 1660 
Smithtovyn, _ _ _ _ 1663 
Islip, ' 1666t 

*\Uhouph A few settlemt^ntfi were first made hy individuals in the Dutch territo- 
ries, it was some yenrs 'e ore the number was sufficipnt to require any political or- 
ganiz:aion Brooklyn, tue largest of tlie Dutcli villages did not choose regular ma- 
gistriti's till IHji;, ttiougli some kind of authority was established there before. On 
the contiar), Soutuold mid Southampton, were settled hy regular organized societies, 
governed from thtir oi igin by laws and magistrates, with regular churches. A house 
for public worship was erected at South uiipton previous to 1645, the first in the Dutch 
towns was commenced in I6,')4, so that although there were a few settlers in Brooklyn, 
and Flatlands before 1640, they did not become towns till some years after ; and the 
towns of Southold, Southampton, and probably Eastharapton, were some years in ad- 
vance of them in numbers in organization and social improvements. 

fSome confusion exists in the date? of this period, and En event may have taken 
place a year before, or a year after it is stated to have happened, but the error in 
time can rarely exceed a year. 

When the con potation by the christian era was introduced, the commencement of 
the year was fixed on the day of the annunciation or incarnation of Christ, which was 
placed on the 25th of March, and so continued in England and her dominions, till the 
alteration of the style in 1752, wheu by an act of Parliament, it was enacted, that 
eleven days should be stricken out of the month of September, and that the 3d should 



14 

The lands in the several towns in Klng^s County, were 
parchased by th^ Diitch Governor or wiih his consent, and it 
is presumed wholly of the t anarsee tribe of Indians. 

Jamaica was purchased of the Canarsee and Hcrkaway 
tribes. 

Newtown was principally purchased of the Rockaway In- 
dians. 

Flushing was purchased by the Dm ch Governor, it is be- 
lieved of the Matinecoc tribe of Indians. 

Oysterbay was purchased of the iM;)tinPcocs. 

Hempstead was purchased of the Rockaway, Merikoke and 
IVlarsapeajiue tribes. 

Hniitingtoii was purchased of the Matinecoc, Marsapeague 
and Secataug tribe. 

Smith Town was, by the Montauk sachem, Wyandance, 
given to Lyon Gardiner, who sold it to Richard Smith, to 
whom it was confirmed by the Nissaquague sactiem. 

Brookhaven was purchased of the Satauket and Patchogiie 
tribes. 

South Old was purchased of the Corchaugs. 

Islip was purchased of the Secataugs. 

South Hampton was purchased of the Shinecor tribe. 

East Hampton, was purchased of the Shiuecoc, Co.chaug, 
Manhassett, and Montauk tribes. 

Kjhelter Island was purchased of the Manhasset tribe. 

Of Trade. 

On the first settlement of the Island the surplus produce 
was wanted by the new settlers; during tliis period they had 
little trade but among themselves, money was very scarce, 
contracts were made in produce, and business was carried on 
by barter and exchanges ; contracts for the sale of land as 
well as others were made in produce. 

In 1658, the town of Hempstead agreed to pay tlie herds- 
men who attended their cattle, twehe shillings sterling a week, 
payable in butter, wheat, corn and oats, at stipulated prices. 

In 1659, the same town allowed six bushels of corn for kill- 
ing a wolf. 

be dated 14th, and one day added to February every fourth year to conform their 
chronology to tliat of the other nations of Europe, who had introduced a similar al- 
teration Fome years before, in order to correct the error arising- from tiie precession of 
the equinoxes: and that the year should commence on the Isl of January instead of 
the 23th of March. Before this time it had been usuul to preserve a correspondency 
of dates with those of other nations, to give a double date from the 1st of January to 
the '25th of March. Thus February the 8th, 1721, was written Februnry the 8th 
172. 0. the omiEsion of the lower number, would cause an error of a year. 

3 1 



15 

In 1C59, the town of East Hampton, ngreed to give Thomas 
James, their Minister, £60 a year, " in such pay as men raise, 
as it passes from man to man." 

In 1G63, the town of Jamaica, contracted with Zachariali 
Walker, their minister, to give him £60 a year, payable in 
wheat and corn, al fixed prices. 

]n 1664. the town of Gravesend, contracted to give a man 
and his assistant, 600 guilders, to guard their cattle that run 
at large during the summer season, to be paid in " bacon and 
corn." 

lo 1670, the people of Newtown, agreed to give 40 shillings 
a piece, towards erecting a meeting house, to be paid " half in 
corn and half in cattle. 

In 1686, the town of Huntington, contracted with a carpen- 
ter to make an addition to their meeting house, to be paid in 
produce at stipulated prices. 

In 1680, the town of South Hampton agreed to give Joseph 
Taylor, their minister, the use of the parsonage, four acres in 
their ox pasture, one fiftieth in the commonage, and one hun- 
dred acres woods. Also, a yearly salary of £100, payable in 
winter wheat at five shillings a bushel, summer wheat four shil- 
lings a bushel, Indian corn at two shillings and sixpence a 
bushel, tallow at six-pence per pound, green hides at three- 
pence, dry hides at six-pence per pound, beef at forty shilli'^gs 
the barrel, pork at £3, 10 the ban el, or three-pence the pound, 
whale bone at eight-pence the pound, and oil at thirty shillings 
the barrel ; to be collected by the constable and overseers, or 
by men to be appointed by them. 

In 1682, the town of Hempstead agreed to give Jeremiah 
Hobart, their minister, the use of the parsonage, and three or 
four acres of land, the use of the common for his cattle, and to 
give him one hundred acres of land where he chose to take 
it up, and a yearly salary of £66, 14, payable in corn and 
cattle. 

Debts were discharged — executions satisfied, and rates paid 
in produce. The rate at which produce was taken in pay- 
ment of debts, was, the price which the merchants gave for 
the like articles at the time. 

In 1654, the magistrates of East Hampton, ordered that 
the town rates should be paid in wheat at four shillings and 
six-pence per bushel, and Indian corn at three shillings and 
six-pence. 

In 1665, the town court of Jamaica in an action of trespass 
gave judgment in favour of the plaintiff for twelve bushels 
and an half of wheat for his damages. 



16 

In 1679, the town court of Huntington ^nve /ndcment that 
the defendant should pay the debt demanded in " good mer- 
chantable pay at the current price " 

In 1680, the same court gave judgment for the debt and 
the Constable sold a house and lot on execution for £10. 10, 
to be paid " in merchantable pay at the current price." 

Executions issuing out of the court of sessions, were also 
levied in produce, but it was appraised by indifferent men 
chosen by the parties or appointeu by the sherifl', when it was 
delivered to the plaintiff in satisfaction of his Judgment. 

The prices of produce receivable for county rates, were 
generally fixed by the Governor and court of assize, but were 
sometimes submitted to the court of sessions, subject to the re- 
vision and approbation of the Governor. 

In 1665 the Assessors of the several towns were ordered by 
law to estimate stock at the following rates : 

A horse or mare, 4 years old and upward, £12 

Do. do. 3 and 4 - - 8 

Do. do. 2 and 3 - - 4 

Do. do. 1 and 2 - - 3 

An ox or bull 4 years old and upward, 6 

A cow four years old and upwards, - 5 

A steer or heifer between 3 and 4 - 4 

Do. do. 2 and 3 - 2 10 

Do. do. 1 and 2 - 110 

A goat one year old, - - - 8 

A sheep, do. - - - - 6 8 

A swine, do. - - - 10 

In 1679, the prices fixed at which produce sl)ould be re- 
ceived for county rates were as lollows : 
Pork, - - - £0 3 per lb. 

Beef, - - 2 do. 

Winter wheat, - - 4 per bushel. 

Summer do. - - 3 6 do. 

Rye, - - - 2 6 do. 

Indian corn, - - 2 3 do. 

Oil, - - - - 1 10 per barrel. 

In 1687, the prices of produce receivable for taxes were as 
follows : 

Pork, - - £3 10 per barrel, or 3d per lb. 

Beef, - - 1 10 do. 2d do. 

Wheat, - - 5 per bushel. 

Indian corn, - - 2 6 do. 

Tallow, - - 6 per lb. 

Dry hides, - - 4 do. 

Green, - 2 do. 



17 

Contract prices of various articles, from 1655, to 1687 : 
Pork, - - £0 3 lb. 

Beef, - - 2do. 

Wheat, from - 4 per bushel, to 5 s. 

Rye, - - 3 6 do. 

Corn, - - 2 6 do. 

Oats, - - 2 do. 

Butter, - - 6 lb. 

Tallow, - - 6 do. 

Hogs fat, - - - 6 do. 
Board, - - 5 per week. 

Victuals, _ - - 6 per meal. 

Lodging, - - 2 per night. 

Beer, _ - _ 2 per mug. 

Pasture, - - I for a otv and night, 

Labour, - _ - 2 6 per day. 

The practice ofpaying iu produce ccniinued until about the 
year 1700 ; when tradt had rendered njoney plenty, and in- 
troduced it into general circulation. 

Of the ' haracter of the Jirst Settlers in the several English 
towns <.n Lottg-I.s/and 

The English towns on the Island, both on tlie Dutch and 
English If rritories were settled by companies of individuals, 
the must of .vhom had first landed in some part of New-Eng* 
land ; but had remained tht-re only a short time, little longer 
in some instances than was nece>sary to select a proper place 
for a permane'ut rrsidence, and to form themselves into asso- 
ciations adt-quate to the commencement of new settlements. 

The first settlers of Southold, remained a short time at New* 
Haven Those ofSout'i ampto'i and Eastiiampion, were 
some time at Lynn The people of Hempstead had made a 
short stav first at Weihersfield, and afj^ain at Stamford, before 
they fixed themselves in thnse respective towns. 

Tiie fi»*st settlers of Easthampton, came from Maidstone, 
in K» nt. The first settlers of Simtliajupion and of Hemp-^ 
stead, were probably the most of them trom Yorkshire ; and 
the first settlers of most of the otl:er towns, seen» to hav-.' been 
collections composed of individuals fr-m almost every pan of 
England. 

These companies in most of the towns, consisted at first of 
only a few families. 

The first settlement of Eas' i ampton was commenced by 
nine families ; of Southampton by fourteen ; of Huntington, 



18 

by eleven ; and of Oysterbay by ten ; but in all these cases, 
the company in advance was immediately followed by others, 
and the settlements increased by the constant accession of 
new comers.* 

The original settlers in most of the English towns, both in 
the Dutch and Engli-h territories, were principally English In- 
dependents or Presbyte.ians, and partook of the spirit and 
temper, which at the time of their emigration, characterised 
that class of men in England. 

Many of the first settlers in the several towns on the Island, 
were well educated, and sensible men — they had sustained a 
good standing in society, and left reputable connections in 
England. 

The early records and public documents of the several 
towns, evince that the leading men among them had a correct 
knowledge of the laws and constitution of England, and were 
well acquainted with public business. 

They left England during the turbulent times, in the reign 
of Charles the first ; when both civil and religious liberty, 
were prostrated by the illegal and tyrannical extension of the 
royal prerogative, and by the intolerance of the established 
Church, supported the one by the star chamber, and the other 
by the high commissioned court, before the abolition of these 
engines of arbitrary power.f 

They fled from tyranny and oppression, and were ardently 
devoted to the cause of civil liberty, and zealous for the purity 
and simplicity of the Protestant religion — they were zealous 
of their rights and resolute in their defence. 

* In 1657, in South Hampton, there were 75 who bore arms in the Militia, and drew 
powder from the magazine, on an alarm created by the hostile acts of the Montauk In- 
diana. 

In 1659, in Hempstead there were 62 heads of families who contracted with the 
herdsmen to attend their cattle. 

In 1684, in Huntington there was 84 enrolled on the assessment list, the chief of 
whom, probably were heads of families. 

In 1680, in Oysterbay there were 41 freeholders, who shared in the second division 
of the lands in that town. 

17th September, 1673. the number required to take the oath of allegiance to the 
newly established Dutch Government under Anthony Colve. was as follows : 

Jamaica 68, Flushing 67, Brooklyn 81, Flatbusli 7», Flatlands 48, Utrecht 41, 
Gravesend 31, Bushwick 35, Newtown 99, Hempstead 107 

t The Puritans being unable to adopt the constitution of the church of England, in 
1586, established a government for their cliurohes, by Pa-tors, EMeis nd Deuons 

From 1560 to 164'.<!, during the reign of Elizabetli, James, and part ol ( liarle-- I they 
were constantly harrassed by the Bishops foi tiif ir non-toniormity ; and submission to 
the edicts of Episcopal tyranny was enforced bj- tiie high commissioned Court 

This court with the star chamber was abolished in 1642, antl ihese persecutions were 
suspended during the Commonwealth ; but after the lestoration of ('harles II. in 1660, 
they were renewed by the act of uniformity, the conventicle act, and the corporation 
and test acts, and continued until the i evolution ; soon after which in 1691, the 
toleration act was passed, which secured to the dissenters a partial and qualified enjoy- 



19 

Tliey held tliat by the British Constitution, the people were 
entitled to a share in legislation, and that their property could 
not be taken from them without their consent. That every 
man had a right to adopt that mode of worship, which he be- 
lieved most agreeable to the scriptures, and that religion was 
essential to public order and social happiness. For the unmo- 
lested enjoyment of these blessings, they had forsaken the 
scenes of civilization, had broken asunder the ties which bound 
them to their native soil, had encountered the dangers of the 
ocean, and had submitted to the hazards and privations of a 
new and savage country, and they were anxious to incorpo- 
rate these principles in their new establishments, and to make 
them the basis of their social and political fabrics. 

Of the Civil and Pilitical condition of the several towns in the 
English Territory, before the conquest. 

The several towns in the English territory, were not under 
the control of any colonial government, nor had they any po- 
litical connection with each ot! er. Being too remote from 
the mother country, to derive any aid from thence, and without 
connections here, the whole powers of Government devolved 
on the inhabitants of each town. Self preservation rendered 
it absolutely necessary, that they should assume the exercise 
of these powers, until a change in their condition should su- 
percede the necessity of it. 

'1 hus, "each town ai its first settlement was a pure demo- 
cracy, the people of each town, exercised the sovereign pow- 
er. All questions were determined by the voice of the major 
part of the people assembled in town meeting. In this man- 
ner they formed such laws and regulations as they judged ne- 
cessary for the security, peace and prosperity of their infant 
settlements. 

The people of South Hampton, previous to their settlement, 
entered into a social contract with each other, to be governed 
by such laws and orders as should be made by the vote of the 
major part of tie inhabitants ; and to support and maintaia 
the authority of the magistrates, in executing such laws and 
orders as should be in force among them. 

ment of their religious rights, hut still left thran subject to many ecclesiastical oppres- 
sions 

These oppressions contributed to people the United States. Most of the first set- 
tlers on Long Island, left England during the prevalence of these oppressive measures, 
in the reign of Charles 1. They sought an asylum principally for the enjoyment of 
religious freedom ; and they and their posterity liave ever since retained an abhorrence 
of tyranny in tv^ry shape, and have always been the devoted friends of civil and reli-- 
gious freedom. 



20 

It is supposed thai the people of South Old, entered into a 
similar compact, previous t(t tiie settlement ofthattown. 

In 1655, the people o( Easi Hampton, did the same ; and 
it is presumed that most, it'nct all the towns in the English ter- 
ritoiy, in the iiilanc}^^ ot then respective settlements, n)ore or 
less formallv entered into similar covenants and combinations, 
or adopted something ol" the like nature, as the basis of their 
socia! structure. 

In 1653, the town of East Hampton, sent for a copy of the 
laws of Connecticut ; and selec ed from them such as they 
judged applicable to their circumstances, and adopted them. 

In i659, South Hanipion did the same ; and the uniformity 
observable in the laws oftheseveral towns, render it probable 
that the other towns did the like, or made those laws tiie model 
for such as they mad( themselves. 

The greater part of their laws, resolutions and orders were 
frajued by them elves, in then r spectve town iiicetiiigs — they 
coj)>prised such provisions as were required by thei) peculiar 
situatioii and such as are necessary to the well he ng of every 
Society 

T he first class of acts related to the division of their lands 
— the enclosureol comn)iui fields forcuiti aticn and pasture — 
to regulations respecting fences, highvva\s and watering pla- 
ces — respecting cattle, sheep and horses, that run at large, 
and in the tommon fields ; and respecting the destruction of 
wild beasts. 

The second class of acts made provision for the public de- 
fence — for the collection of taxes — for the education of youth 
— for the preservation of good morals — tor (he support of reli- 
gion ; and for the suppression and punishmeut ot crimes and 
ofiences. 

One of the first measures adopted in every town, was to 
require every man to provide himself with arms and amuni- 
tion ; and to assemble at an appointed place, when warned, 
under a penalty for neglect in any of tiiese respects. 

In several of the towns, the first settlers erected a small fort 
or block house, for their security. These precautions were 
probably taken to guard against the Dutch, a& well as the In- 
dians, at least in the western t»u\ns. 

The men capable of hearing arms in every town, were or- 
ganized into companies, under proper officers ; and were re- 
quired to meet at staled times, for inspection and exercise. 

in 1642, the Militar}^ Compan\ of South Hampton, was 
required to meet six times a year for these purposes. 



21 

jL he public expenses were defrayed by a tax, the amount 
of which was fixed by a vote of the people, in a general town 
meeting ; and ihe rates were made and gathered by persons 
chosen for ihat purpose. 

Thi' s^tlaiies of the lirst ministers in most of the towns, seem 
to have been raised as (»ther taxes, by an assessment on 
all tl)e inhabilanis, accordnigio tlie quantity of land they had 
taken up. 

A Ncliool was established in F>ast Hampton, in the infancy 
of the settieuieiii ; and ihe teacher was allowed a salary of 
£3S a year. 

Among; the records of Huntington for 1657, there is a 
draught of a coiitiact witit a school ma-ter for thiee years, at 
a s-ahny ot £ 5 tor ih»'fir>t year, £35 for the second, and £40 
for the third ; and ii is presumed that schools were establish- 
ed in all the towns at an early period of their settlement 

The more - ffectiially to preserve the puritv of the public 
morals ilev excluded from iheir society such as they judged 
would i^e IikcIn to injure them. 

The htnds were pure based and held by the first settlers, and 
they could dispose of them to whom they pleased. This 
power was an impi>itaiit engine in their hands, lor the preser- 
vation i>l good morals ; and it seems to have been efficiently 
empUned for that purpose. 

\u the vear 1('51, ihetoun of East Hampton ordered that 
a lot should not he laid out for a certain individual, and that 
he should not stay iu the town. 

In 1662, tne people of untington, by a vote of the town 
meeting, appointed a committee consisting of their Minister 
and six of their most respectable inhabitants, to examine the 
characters of those who came to settle among them, with pow- 
er to a''mit or to refuse admission to them, as they judged they 
would be likeiy to benefit or injure the society ; with a proviso 
that they ah uld not exclude any "that were honest, and well 
approved of by honest and judicious men" ; and forbid any 
inhabitant to sell or let house or land, to any one but such as 
should be approved ol by the said committee, under the penal- 
ty of £10, to l)e pnid to the town. 

In 1663, the same town forbid any inhabitant to entertain 
a certain obnoxious individual, longer .than the space of a 
week, eiiher gratuitously or for pay, under the penalty of 40 
shillings, for the breach of the order " made for the peace of 
the tovtn." 

It seems to have been adopted as an indispensable rule, in 
all the English towns on the Island, that no person should be 



22 

admitted to settle among them without the approbation of the 
inhabitants, or of a m;ij()ui\ ofihem. 

The first settlers in the several towns, also adopted every 
precaution in their power, to prevent their houses of entertain- 
ment from becommg injurious to the public morals 

In I65I, tlie town of East Hampton, passed an act forbid- 
ding viiiy persons to sell any liijunr but such as were deputed 
by the town f)rthal purpose, and also lorbidding such persons 
to suffer >outh and su- h as wer< under other men's manage- 
ment, to remain driidxing at unseasonable iiours, and that they 
should not let them have more than half a pint among four 
men. 

In 1650, the town of Hempstead established a house of en- 
tertainment and eiijcined it upon the keeper " to keep such 
order that it miglit not be offensive to the laws of God or the 
place." 

I' 1660, the town of Huntington established a house of en- 
tertainment, and to ensure good order, made the continuance 
of the keeper to depend on the correctness with which he dis- 
charged his trust. 

The first settlers of the several towns in Suffolk County, 
and the first settU rs of Hempstead, made provision for the 
support of the (jospel amon^ them, in the infancy of their s.et- 
tlements ; and the first settlers of Jamaica and Newtown did 
the like in antarls period of their settleuients. The first set- 
tlers were carelul in exacting punctual attendance on public 
worship, and a strict observance of the Sabbath, and in pre- 
venting every kind of personal injury. 

•n 1650 the town of Hempstead resolved that if any person 
neglected to attend public worship without a reasonable ex- 
cuse he should pay five guilders for tlie first offence, ten for 
the second, and twenty for the third; and that if he after- 
wards repealed the offence, he should be liable either to an 
aggravation of the fine, to corporal punishment, or banish- 
ment. About the same period the town of East Hampton or- 
dered that no Indian should travel up and down, O' carry any 
burden in or through the town on the Sabbath day ; and that 
whosoever should be found so doing, should be liable to cor- 
poral pumshment. 

The town of East Hampton ordained that whosoever should 
slander any one, should be liable to pay a fine of£5. 

The same town ordained that whosoever should arise up a 
false witness against any man, to testify that which is wrong, 
there should be done unto him as bethought to have done unto 
his neighbour, whether it shoidd be to taking away of life, 
limb, or goods. 



33 

The same town ordered that if anj'one should strike another 
lie should pay a fine often shillings to the town ; and that if 
smiting he should wound, he should pay for the cure and the 
time the person was thereby hindered. 

To secure the administration of Justice, and to prevent and 
punish offences, a court was established in every town, in the 
English territory, called the town court ; it was composed 
generally of three Magistrates, a clerk and constable, who 
were chosen annually by the people in their respective town 
meetings. 

The people of the respective towns invested their town court 
with power to hear and determine all causes, civil and cri- 
minal. 

The proceedings of the courts in the several towns, were 
governed by the principles of the common law. The parties 
were entitled to a jury, if either of them required it. The jury 
consisted of seven men, and the verdict was decided by the 
voice of the majority. 

In most of the towns, the decisions of the town court were 
conclusive; but in South Hainptoii, an appeal lay from the 
decisions of the town court to the general toan meeting called 
the general court, which heard the appeal, and gave such judg- 
ment as was deemed just and right between the parties. 

The officers of the town courts frequently made orders re- 
lative to matters which concerned the welfare of the town, 
which seem to have had the same force and effect as the reso- 
lutions of the town mteting, from which it is presimied that 
they were invested with power for this purpose, by the voice 
of the people. 

The respective town courts were vigilant in repressing and 
punishing all kinds of vice and profanity. 

In 1653, the town court of South Hampton ordered that if 
any person over fourteen years of age, should be convicted of 
wilful lying, by the testimony of two witnesses, he should be 
fined five sliillings, or set in the stocks five hours. 

The same court at the same tinie ordered that if any person 
should be convicted of drunkenness, he should be fined ten 
shillings for the first offence, twenty for the second, and thirty 
for the third. 

In 1682, the town court of Huntington ordered the estate of 
a certain person who was likely to spend it, to be seized, that 
it might be secured, preserved and improved for his livelihood 
and maintenance, and that the town might not be (lan)nified. 

The same town court ordered that a person who was con- 
victed of bringing a bag of meal from Oysterbay to Hunting- 



24 

ton on the Sabbath, should pay a fine of ten shillings, ov 
make such acknowledgment for the offence as the court would 
accept. 

In 1702, the town court of South Old fined a person 6s. 7 
for a breach of the Sabbath. 

In 171 1, the same court fined a person three shillings for 
profane swearing. 

Two cases of witchcraft occurred on Lon!j:-Island. 

In 1657, a Mrs Garlicke, was brought before the town court 
of East Hampton, on suspicion of v\ itchcraft, and a number of 
witnesses were examined in support of the charge. The iVla- 
gistrates after hearing the testimony, co eluded to send her 
to Connecticut for further trial, the result of which is not 
known. 

In 1665, Ralph Hall and his wife were accused of witch- 
craft at Brookhaven, and the caus was tried before the court 
of assize at New-York, and terminated in their acqiiittal ; an 
account of which is published in the Appendix to Yates' con- 
tination of Smith's history of New- York. 

Under the benign influence of the comujon law and «»frecu- 
lations made by themselves aid enlbrced by iVlagistraies, an- 
nually chosen at their town meetings, the people of the seve- 
ral towns in the English territory seem to liave enjo\ed the 
usual benefits of good government, and to liuve prosper 'd as 
well as those settlements that were under an organizi d govern- 
ment. 

Of their Union uith Connecticut. 

The'several English towns on Long Island, that were set- 
tled under the authority of the Earl of tirling, and under the 
English claim to the Island were exposed to interruption both 
by the Dutch and Indians. 

In order to secure the power and influence of the New-Eng- 
land colonies to protect them agamst the perils o( tlieir condi- 
tion, they very early s(»ugln a connection with those colonies. 

The several to.vns joined Connecticut at different times — 
South Hampton in 1644 — East Hampton, iit 165; — Brook- 
haven in 1659 — Huntington in 1660, and ()\steiba> proba- 
bly in 1662 — South tild joined New- taven in 1648, and with 
that colony wa> united with ('onnecticui in 1662. 

The towns of H ardor, i, Windsor and VVetliersfield, in 1639, 
formed an union for their mutual benefit, and framed a consti- 
tution better calculated to secure liberty and good g >vernment, 
perhaps than any that had ever before been tbraied. fhis com- 



25 

pact constituted the government and original jurisdiction of 
Connecticut.* 

Connecticut was at first, and for some years, without the 
authority of a patent, and in fact, had no legal jurisdiction 
beyond the bounds of those three towns and such as joined 
them. The several towns on the Island were received under 
her jurisdiction on their voluntary offer, and at their own so- 
licitation. 

By the union they became members of the body politic of 
Connecticut, and were entitled to the benefits and liable to the 
duties of the other towns within her jurisdiction, and became, 
in common with theT", entitled to the protection of the united 
colonies. 

The several towns became entitled to send deputies to the 
general Court at Hartford ; and it appears that the towns of 
South Hampton and hast Hampton, availed I'lemselves of the 
privilege, and sent deputies to Hartford as South Old did to 
Ne w- Haven. -j- 

The want of legal authority, prevent d the exercise of any 
authoritative jurisdii tion by Connecticut over the towns on 
Long-Island before she received the charter granted by 
Charles II. in 1662. 

It does not appear that she attempted to establish counties, 
organize courts, or levy taxes there before that period. 

The union seems to have resembled an alliance for mutual 
consultation and defence, rather than a consolidated govern- 
ment. 

The charter of Connecticut granted by Charles IT. was re- 
ceived in 1662. It was very similar in its provisions to the 

• The supreme power was vested in a governor, deputy-governor, and a council or 
assistants to be annually chosen by all ihe freemen of the colony, with deputies to be 
chosen half yearly in each town by the freemen ot the town. It was oidained that the 
general court or assf-mbly composed of tliese officers should meet twice a year and 
should have power to make laws and repeal them — to impose and collect taxes— to ad- 
mit freemen to dispose of the public lands— to establish courts — appoint public officer?, 
and for good cause to displace them, or punish them, and to do all other acts for th* 
good government of the commonwealth, except that of electing the governor, couocii, 
and assembly, which was to remain the exclusive province of the freemen. 

f Deputies or Assistants to the General Court from Long-Island : 
Southampton. Easthampton. 

1655, - Thomas Topping, - - 

165B, . - - do 

16J7, ... do. - - _ - 

1658, - - Alexander Knowles, - Mr. Mulford, 

1659, - Thomas Topping, - - Robert Bond, 

1660, - - do. - ... - do. 

1661, - - "^ do. - - - w do. 

1662, - . - do. - - - - Mr. Baker, 

1663, . Mr. Howell, - ... do. 
Deputies from S nth Old to New-Haven — 

1662, Baruabaf liorton, John Furrier. 

4 



26 

constitution adopted in 1639, and was little more than a de- 
velopement of tljem. 

The liberal provisions of the new charter made the several 
towns on Long-Island very desirous to perpetuate their con- 
nection with that colony. Long-Island was not mentioned in 
the charter, but the names of some of the magistrates of one 
or more of the towns were inserted among those who were to 
administer it. 

A clause in the new charter annexing the adjacent Islands 
to that colony, also furnished her with a pretext to claim Long- 
Island ; and it was doubtless with the consent, if not at the 
instance, of the several towns on the Island that had joined 
her jurisdiction, that she set up a construction of her charter, 
which, if it couid have been sustained, would had embraced 
all the English towns on the Island, and the whole Island 
after the conquest. 

After tiie reception of the royal charter, the general court 
of Connecticut claimed the legal jurisdiction over the English 
towns on Long- Island which had put themselves under her pro-* 
tection, and had become members of her association. 

These towns were permitted to send deputies to the general 
court, and were liable to the same duties as ihe other towns. 
Each town v.'as entitled to send one deputy to the general 
assembly, but were wholly left at liberty to send one or not as 
they chose. 

The general court appointed such public officers in the se- 
veral towns as were not permitted by the charter to be chosen 
by the people. 

April Gth, 1663, the town of Huntington chose three men 
whose names were to be sent to Hartford for the general court 
to elect two out of the number as magistrates for the town. 

The general court ordered a contribution to be levied on the 
towns on the Island, as well as on those on the main, towards 
the payment of the expence of the new charter, and it would 
seem that they were subject to taxes in the same manner as 
other towns within her jurisdiction. 

In 1664, the town of South Hampton appointed men to 
make the rate " both in respect to Hartford aud this town." 

May 12th, 1664, the general court proceeded to organize 
the courts on the Island on the plan of those of Connecticut. 

For this purpose they appointed » governor and three others 
to go to the Island to settle the English plantation there under 
the government of Connecticut, to establish quarter courts and 
other courts, for the administration of justice ; provided their 
judgments should not extend to life, limb, or banishment — 
and directed capital cases to be tried at Fairfield or Hartford. 



27 

These Commissioners came upon the Island in June 16G4, 
organized courts, established rules for the collection of 
rates and other matters ; but their arrangements were all frus- 
trated before they could be carried into effect, by the conquest 
of the Dutch territories, and the annexation of Long-Island to 
the government of the Duke of York;^ 

Long-Island was not comprised in the grant of any colony. 
It hud been granted by order of Charles I. to William Earl of 
Stirling, biit had been relinquished to the crown, or to the 
Duke of York by hi> heirs, and left free to be made the sub- 
ject of a new grant, or to be included in the patent to him. 

March 12th. 1664, Charles II. by letters patent, granted the 
country occupied by the Dutch, together with Long-Island, 
to his brother James, the Duke of York. 

A few months after the date of his patent, the Duke of York 
procured a squadron with some land forces, to be fitted out 
for the reduction of the territories comprised within his grant, 
under the command of Colonel Richard Nicolls, whom he 
appointed to assume the government of the country as deputy 
Governor under him, and with whom the King associated 
Colonel George Cartwright, Sir Robert Carr, and Samuel 
Maverick, Esq. as Commissioners, with power fix to the 
boundaries between the several colonies, to adjust all differ- 
ences between them, and to settle the country in peace. 

The Commissioners landed at Boston on their way to New- 
York, and requested that that colony would raise two hundred 
men and send them on to assist such troops as they had brought 
along with them in reducing the Dutch. 

The request of the Commissioners was readily asented to, 
but subsequent events rendered the aid unnecessary before it 
could be furnished. 

The Commissioners landed at Gravesend, on the west end 
of Long-Island, about the middle of August, 1664. They 
summoned the English on the Island to attend them at that 
place, and Governor Winthrop of Connecticut, met them 
there. 

Colonel Nicolls exhibited to the Governor, and such as 
were there assembled, the letters patent to the Duke of York, 
with his own commission. 

Colonel Nicolls demanded a surrender of the country, pro- 



* The committee of tie <icner*l \ssemhly established a court for the three towns o^ 
East-Hamptou, ^outh-Himptou, anJ South Old, to be holden four times a year, twice 
at South-Hampton, and once in eacti of the other towns, and appointed three Coramia. 
sioners, one in each town, to hold the said court. 



28 

misln^ life, libertj, and nroperty to the inhabitants on tbei^ 
submission. Governor VVaithri p wr te 'o th^ Dutch Gover- 
nor, recommendinR; a surrender on the terms .-liered, -^nd af- 
ter a few days had been spent in message•^ an > letters between 
Colonel .\icolls and the Dutch Gtvernor, the [jlace was sur- 
rendered to the i'ommissioners the 27th ot August old style. 

Governor V\ inthrop, after seiing the letters patetii to the 
Duke of York, informed the English on long-Island, that 
Connecticut had no longer any claim to the Island ; that what 
they had done was for the welfare, peace and quiet settlement 
of his Majesty's subjects, as they were tlie nearest organized 
government to them under his Majesty; but now fiis Majesty's 
pleasure was fully signified by his letters patent, their juris- 
diction ceased and became null. 

It seems however, that the colony of Connecticut was still 
desirous of «»tainiog Long-Island under her jurisdiction, and 
the several towns on the Island which had been connected with 
that colony, were as anxious that the connection should be 
continued. 

November 30, 1664, the Commissioners met to settle the 
bonndary between Connecticut and the Duke of York, and 
after hearing the allegations of the deputies who attended Irom 
Long-lslandi as well as those who attended from Conuecticut 
in favour of conueciitig l^ong-lsland with that colony, they 
determined that the south boundary of Coniieciicut was the 
Sound, and that . ong-ls! -nd was to be under the government 
of his Koyal Highness, the Duke of York 

OF 1 HE fc.CCLt^lAS'llCAL STATE OF THE 
SEVERAL rOVVNb ON THE ISLAIND. 

Of the Dutch Towns. 

The people of the Dutch towns professed the doctrines in- 
eulcaied by the Synod, held at L-)ort in Holland, in 1618, 
and were under the ecclesiastical government ot the classis of 
AfiiSterdam, until 1772, when the Dutch Church of this coun- 
irv, established an njdependant classis and synods on the mo- 
del of the Church in Holland. 

Each town had its own consistory, but the whole constitu- 
ted but one church. Their ministers were colleagues, preach- 
ed in turn in all the churches, and were supported by a com- 
mon contribution. 

The first house for public worship thai was erected by the 
Dutch, was built in New Amsterdam, 1642. 

December 17, 1054, t;.< Governor vvlio seems to have exer- 
cised supreme power ia ecckstastical, as well as civil and wi- 



29 

lltary affairs, oraered a house for public worsliip, to be erected 
at Flatbush, 60 feet in length, 38 in breadth, and 14 feet in 
height below the beams. 

February 9, 1655, the Governor ordered the people of 
Brooklyn a*»d Amersfort, to assist the people of Midwout, or 
Flatbush, iii cutting? tiniber to build the house. 

In September 1660, those who had the chars^e of the build- 
ing, stated that it had cosi 4637 guilders, of which sum 3437 
had been collected in New Amsterdam, Fort (»range, and on 
Long-Island. The Governor added 400 more, and there re- 
mained 800 to be raised to discharge the debt. 

The next house for public worship was commenced at Flat- 
lands in 1663, and one at Brooklyn in 1666. 

October 13, 1656, the Rev. Joannes Thtodorus Polhemus, 
was by the Dutch Governor permitted to preach at Mid v« out, 
and Amersfort. 

In ftlarch 1656, to accommodate the four villages, Graves- 
«nd, Amersfort, Midwout, and Brooklyn. The Dutch Gover- 
nor ordered .Mr. Polhemus to preach every Sunday morning at 
Widwout, and in the afternoon alternately, at Amersfort and 
Brooklyn. 

In 1660, the Rev. Henericus Selwyn was installed at 
Brooklyn, by order of the Dutch Governor, at a salary of 
600 guilders a year, one half to be paid by Brooklyn, and 
the other half by Fatherland or Holland. Mr. Selwyn re- 
sided io New Amsterdam, a)idin 1662, the people of Brooklyn 
petitioned the G >vernor, ihat he should be required to reside 
among them. 'i\» lighten ttjeir burdens, the Governor agreed 
to pay 2hO guilders of his sa'ary, on condition that he should 
preach at liie Bowery every Sunday evening. 

It is said that Mr. Selwyn v\ent to Holland, in 1664; if that 
was the case, he must have returned to New-York some time 
afterwards, as he was a minster there from 1682 to 1700. 

The regul.ir record of baptisms in the Dutch towns, cona- 
mejiced in 1660. 

From a manuscript of the Rev. Peter Lowe, deceased, it 
appears that the succeeding ministers in the Dutch churches 
ou Long-island settled before 1800, were as follows ; 

Hettled. Died or removed, 

Joannes Megapolensis, 1668 

Casperus Van Zuren, 1677 

Mr. Clark, 16^5 

William Lupardus, 1700 

Barnard Freeman, 1702 1741 

Viceutius Autonides, 1715 1744 



30 

Joannes Arondius, 1742 

Antliony Curtenitis, 1730 1756 

Ulpiaiius Van Sinderen, 1747 1796 

John Casper Rubel, 1760 1797 

MartJiius Schoonmaker, 1785 1824 

Peter Lowe, 1787 died 1818 

Since 1800, the ministers who have settled in the Dutch 

churches have been confined to the pariicula • congregation in 

which they were settled. The ministers settled since that 

time, are as follows : 

Settled died removed 

Brooklyn, Sel-h S. Woodhuli, 1805 1825 
Ufrecht, John BertUie, 1809 
Busbwick, Jolm fiassett, 1811 1824 

Flatbush, Walter Moniieih, 1819 1820 
do. Thomas M. Strong, 1822 

A Dutch church was erected in Jamaica in 1715, in New- 
town shortly after, in North Hempstead and Oysterbay 1732, 
or thereabouts. 'J^hese churches seem to have been supplied 
by the ministers of Kings county till 1750. From that peri- 
od they were united nnder their own ministers, who preached 
in common among them until 1802, since which time Jamaica 
and JNewtown have formed one connexion, and North Hemp- 
stead and Oysterbay another. These ministers were 
Thomas Romeyn, 1750 "] 

Bollan, 1770 | 

Freleigh, 1774 )• For the four churches. 

Van Ness, 1784 | 

Zachariah Cooper, 1784 J 

Joel Schoonmaker, 1802 Jamaica and J^ewtown. 

Mr. Cooper, from 1802, to 1812 JV*. Hempstead fy Oysterbay 
David Bogert, 1812 do. 

Most of the early Dutch ministers that were settled on the 
Island, were born and educated in Holland, and some of them 
were distinguished for their talents and learning. 

Mr. Selwyn, who was the first minister of Brooklyn, and 
who was afterwards settled in New- York, prefixed a latin 
poem to Cotton Mather's " MagnaUa Christi Americana," 
bearing date, October 16, 1697, and signed Henericus Selwyn 
"Ecclesioe Eboracensis Minister Belgicus." 

Mr. Freeman left a volume of sermons which are in the 
hands of his descendants, but as they are in the Dutch lan- 
guage their merit is not generally known. 

If there are any productions of the other Dutch ministers oij 



Long-Tsland, they are probably ia the IDulch language, and 
no Ion j'jr read. 

Of the English Towns. 

The original settlers of the several towns la Suffolk county, 
and the greater number of the first settlers of the English 
towns in the Dutch territory, were uuited in their religious 
opinions. They were uniform in their adherance to the doc- 
trines contained in the confession of faith, agreed on by the 
assembly of divines, who met at Westminster, in 1642. — 
They also accorded with each other on the subject of church 
goverment. The constitution of the churciies in the several 
towns was originally congregational, and so continued until 
1747, when the greater number were prevailed on to ex- 
change the congregational form for that of tlie Presbyterian, 
wiiich they were taught to believe to be better adapted to sup- 
port purity of doctrine, and an efficieiit discipline.* 

In most of the towns in SiITolk county aut: in Hempstead, 
a minister accompanied tlie first settlers, and a church was 
organized among them, either before or soon after the com- 
mencement of their respective settlements. 

In most, if not in every town, a dwelling house was erected 
and lands set apart as a parsonage for the use of the ministry. 
The minister of each town was allowed the use of the parson- 
age, with the addition of a salary payable in produce or 
money. It is probable that the amount of the salary was 
regulated by the value of the parsonage. In 1659 the salary 
of the minister of East Hampton was £60 a year. In 1663 
the salary of the minister of Jamaica was £60. 'n 1680, that 
of the minister of South Hampton was £100, and in i6S2, 
that of the minister of ^^empstead was £66 14, 

A house for public worship was erected in South Hampton, 
and probably in South Old, previous to the year 1646, and 
these were the first houses that were erected for public wor- 
ship on the island. 

A house for public worship was erected in Hempstead 
probably before 1650, in East Hampton in 1651, in Jamaica 
in 1662, and in Huntington in 1665. 

The first houses that were erected for public worship in the 
several towns were not large. The difficulty of procuring ma- 
terials limited them in the construction of the buildings to the 

* The experience of Eu.-ope since the reformation, proves that tliat constitution of 
church government which embraces different churches, professing the same doctrines, 
under the same superintending jurisdiction, has contributed much more to preserve 
purity and unity of doctrine, than that which left eveiy congregation to adopt its own 
creed, aod to prescribe its own discipline. 



S2 



accommodation of the respective societies, at the time they 
were erected. 

The house erected in Jamaica in 1662, was 36 feet in length, 
26 in breadth, and 17 feet high. The second house erected 
in Hempstead in 1677, was 40 feet m length, 26 in breadth, 
and 12 feet high. The one erected in Brookhaven in 1671, 
was 28 feet square. 

At this early period, the houses of public worship were 
without tlie accommodation of bells, and in several of the 
towns, if not in all, the people employed a person to beat si 
drum to apprize them of the time of public worship. 

In 1662, the town of Jamaica agreed to give a person 30s. 
a year for beating a drum on the Sabbath day, and similar 
contracts were made in other towns, and the practice probably 
continued till bells were procured. 

The following is as correct a list of the Jim Congregational 
or Presbyter inn Ministers, and their successors m the several 
English twwns on Lotg- Island, as could be obtained. 



amwm.Mwmrf. 



Names. 



Where 
educated. 



I When 
(gradu 
lated. 



Re 

mov- 
ed 



Remarks. 



SOUTH OLD, 

John Yonngs, 
Joshua Hohart. 
Benjamin Wooisey, 
James Davenport, 
William Throop, 
John Storrs, 
Josepii Hazard, 
Jonathan Hunting, 

South Hampton, 
Abraham I'ierson, 
Robert Ford ham, 
Joseph Taylor, 
Joseph VVhiting, 
Sylvanus White, 
Joshua Williams, 
Harman Dagget, 
David Bogert, 
John M. Babbit, 
Peter H. Shaw, 

East Hampton, 
Thomas James 
Nathaniel Hunting, 
Samuel Duel, 
Lyman Beecher, 
Ebenezer Phillips, 

Huntington, 
William Leveridge; 
Eliptialet Jone; , 
Ebenezer Prime, 
John Close, 
Nathan WoodhuU, 
William Schenck, 
Samuel Robinson, 



England, 
Hl.irvird, 
Yale, 

do. 

do. 

do. 

do. 

England, 
England, 
Harvard, 

do. 

do. 
Yale, 

Rhode Island, 
Columbia, 



England, 
Harvard, 
Vale, 
do. 



England, 



Vale, 

Nassau, 

Yale, 

Nassau, 



I .'.0 
1,0.1 

l:4< 

Io04 



(169 
I Kir, I 

\i6Q 

1790 



1693 
1741 

1797 



1718 
1765 
1773 
1767 



1640 

|IJ74 

r. 

1 7. if. 
I74ij 

nr;3 

1 797 
I,i0- 

I ,40 

I64fj 
I6o0 
1682 
1727 
1784 
1791 
1796 
I3U 
1820 

I6')0 

1699 
17!6 
1799 

16}8 
1677 
1723 
1766 
1785 
1794 
1817 



1672 
1717 



1756 



1662 
1723 

;,-8- 



1731 
1779 



1736 
1746 



1787 
lo06 



(-.41 



'790 

i793 
Iiil2 
1818 



1310 



1670 



1773 
1739 
1817 
1823t 



aged 74 
aged 89 
or tUereah^utg. 

aged 36 



removed t^ Brtnford, it 
[in 16G7 to Newark, 
aged 31. 
aged 32. 
aged 79. 



in hii 78tli year. 
aged 82. 



removed to Newtown, 
or thereabouts, aged 90. 

aged 79. 
a colleague of Mr. Prime, 
removed to Newtown.,, 
removed to Ohi*. 



33 



Nehemiah Brown, 

Bkookhaven, 
Nathaniel Bi-cvster, 
Georse Phillips, 
David Youngs, 
Benj unia Talitwdge, 
Noah '•V'hetmore 
Zachariali Greene, 

SMITHTO\yN, 

Abnei' Reeve, 

Napthali D.igget, 

Thomas Letvis, 

Joshua Hart, 

Luther Gleason, 

Henry Fuller, 

Richard Nicoll, 
Hempstead, 

Richard Denton, 

Jeremiah HoSirt, 

Joshua Hirt. 

Samuel RoMiKon, 

Charles ^Vebster, 
Nbwtown, 

William Leveridge, 

Jot;n Morse, 

Samuel Pomeroy, 

Simon Horton, 

Bay, 

Nathan U'oodhuH, 
William Boardman, 

John Goldsmith. 

Jamaica, 
Zar.liariah Walker, 
John Prudden, 
George Phillips, 
John Huhbard, 
George Magnis, 
Robert Cross, 
Mr Heathcote, 
Walter Wilmot, 
David Bostwick, 
Elihu Spencer, 
Benoni Bradner, 
William Mills, 
Mathias Burnet, 

Glassbrook, 

George Fatoute, 
Henry R. Weed, 
Seymour P. Funk, 

Bridge Hampton, 
Ebenezer White, 
James Brown, 
Aaron Woolworth, 
Am zi Francis,* 



Yale, 


ai7 


824 1 


i 


f 




Marvard, 


6' 


;;!:5 l,v,;0 




^i^^/7i' 


Harvard, 


H \-\ ■ ' 


t.iO. \-'iU 


• * ' 


•<» 


Yale, 


711 


7J5 175-.' 


or thereabout*. 


do. 


7 ! 


751 17.;': 






do. 


17.^7 


1 78f; 

1797 


7 9e. 






Yale, 


17:51 










do. 


1743 


1751 




, 75t; 


Afterwards President of 


do ^i 


17M 


I7'':; 




1 7t)9 


Yale CollP;ie, died i7S0. 


.Vas*au, 


i::0 


'73 

1 Til"^ 




1792 
loOri 
1821 


removed to f resh Pond. 


^liddlebury, 




I31U 










1323 








England, 




1».44 


1663 


/Sfi' 




Harvard, 


1 -'0 


UMt 




or thereabouts, he set- 


Nassau, 


1770 


I77J 




^m 


[tled at Haddam in 1700 






i312 




1817 


and diedia 1717. 


Union, 


1313 


1818 






[aged 87. 


England, 




1670 

l(!()7 


1690 






Nassau, 


I70.> 


1706 


1744 






do. 


niji 


1746 
1787 


1786 


1789 




Yale, 


'77.') 


17f,0 
1311 


1810 

1818 






Nassau, 


1815 


1819 






removed to Stratford. 


England, 




1663 




1668 


[then to Woodbury. 


Harvard, 


1668 


1670 
1694 




t69:i 
1697 


removed to Newark. 




1695 


•698 
1712 




1702 
1720 




Ireland, 


1730 


1725 
1734 




17:0 


removed to Philadelphia. 


Yale, 


1 735 1 1 733 i 1744 




'> A 




174^ 


1745 




1756 


* removed ioJf*^^^ 


do. 


1748 




1760 


' pmoved to ^^■t./y^^^^^ 


Nassau, 


1755 


7L0 




116. 




do. 


1751 


1762 


177;i 






do. 


176t 


1773 




1734 


removed to Norwalk. 


Enirland, 




1785} 


I7.<i5 




.\assau, 


1776 


178S 


1815 






Uniou, 


isr. 


1816 
1823 




182L 
1325 


removed to Albanj. 


Harvard, 


169' 


' 169,1 




174C 


resigned, died 1756, 


Yale, 


174- 


■ \74i 




177; 


[aged 84. 


do. 


173' 


178' 


1821 




in the 58th year of his 


Middlebury, 


131( 


: 182C 


1 




' [age. 



* Tlie time of settlement and removal of the above ministers, is generally taken 
from records, and in cases where they could not be procured, or did not furnish the 
information, resoil has been had to the besr sources of information that could be af- 
forded to supply the defect j and iu a few instances the time is conjectured f;oia cir- 
cumstaaces. 



34 

A Irief account of the first ministprs, and of some of their 
immediate svccesscrs in thmeverai English lowut, on Long- 
Island, US far as their history could bt ascertained. 

The Rev. John Ycungs uas the first minister of Sniith Old. 
He had been a minister at Hingham, in Norfolk in England, 
before he emigrated to this country. 

He came to JNew- Haven with part of his church, in 1640, 
and there re-organized his church, and with th( ni and ^uch as 
chosp to accompany them, in October passfd o-er to Lrng- 
Island, and commenced a settlement on a tract of land « hich 
had been purchased of the natives under the authority of 
New-Haven. 

They called the town Southold. They adopted the laws 
and became a branch of the jurisdiction of New-Haven. 

William Wells, Barnabas Horton, Thomas Mapes, John 
Tuthill, and Mathias Corwin, were the leading men who 
formed the first settlement at South Old, and their posterity in 
that and the adjoining towns are numerous and respectable. 

This town found it difBcult to enforce the rule of the juris- 
diction, which excluded all but church members from the 
privilege of freemen, and their departure from it created some 
difficulty between that town and New-Haven, wl ich was re- 
moved by the submission of both towns to the jurisdiction of 
Connecticut in 1665. 

Mr. Youngs continued the minister of South Old till his 
death. He died in 1672, aged 74. 

Mr. Youngs had several sons and daughters, to whom he 
left considerable property, a number of whose posterity still 
reside in South Old 

Several of Mr. Youngs' descendants have occupied public 
stations, and have been distinguished for public usefulness. 

Colonel John Youngs, his eldest son, was a leading man 
in the public affairs of the town during his life time. 

He was generally appointed the delegate to consult with 
the delegates of Southampton and East Hampton respecting 
the difficulties to which those three towns were exposed, both 
before and after the conquest of the Dutch territories by the 
English. 

It is supposed that he was appointed one of the judges of 
the court which was established by the authority of Connecti- 
cut for those towns, immediately after that colony had re- 
ceived the charter of 1662. 

In 1^73, when the three towns were again taken under the 
jurisdiction of that colony, he was appointed one of the judges 



85 

of tiie court which was then established for tlie administration 
of justice in those towns. 

In 1681 he was high sheriff oC Yorkshire, then composed of 
all Long-Island, and by request of the court of assize, the 
highost judicial tribunal in the colony, drew the petition for 
the privilege of having an assembly, which they sent to the 
Duke of York, and vvhi( h was granted in 1683. *ie was 
made a member of the council of the colony in 1083, which 
station he seems to have retained as long as he could attend. 
He was also colonel of the miliiia of Suflolk county till 1693, 
when in consequence of his age the office was given t^. Colonel 
William Smith. e died in 1698, aged 75. 

Btiijamin Youngs, another son of Mr. Youngs, and Joshua 
Youngs, who is supposed to have been his grandson, were 
successively j'idiies of the court of common pleas of Suffolk 
co'inty a seric- o' vears belore the American revolution, and 
Thomas Youngs, supposed to be another of the descendants 
of the ;;ev. John Youngs, uas a judge of the same court for 
some time since the revolution. The [iev. David Youngs, 
supposed to be another of his descendants, gi adiaud at Yale 
College in 1741, became a minister, settled at Brookhaven in 
1745, and continued there till his death in 1752. 

Experience Youngs, the daughter of Benjamin Youngs, and 
grand daughter of the Rev. John Youngs, was the second 
wife of the Rev. Ebenezer Prime, the minister of Huntington 
from 1719 to 1779, and was grandmother of the Rev. Na- 
thaniel ScudHer Prime, who is at present the principal of the 
academy at Cambridge, in Washington county, in the state of 
New-York. 

The Rev Ezra Youngs, as is supposed, another of Mr. 
Youngs' descendants, has recently entered into the ministry, 
and preaches on Shelter-island. 

The Rev. Joshua Hobart succeeded Mr. Youngs in 1674. 
He was a son of the Rev. Peter Hobart, who was educated at 
Cambridge, and preached at Haverhill and other places in 
England till 1035, when he with his children came over to 
Massachusetts, and settled the town of Hingham, where he 
gathered a church, and continued a " faithful pastor and an 
able preacher," until his death in 1679. He had four sonSj 
who became preachers. 

Joshu" was born in 1628, graduated at Harvard College in 
16 0. He settled at Soutli Old in 1674, and continued there 
during his life time. He died in 1717, aged 89. 

The church and congregation of South Old, after the death 
of Mr. Youngs, sent a messenger to Boston to seek " an honest 



36 

ftiid godly minister,-' and m procuring Mr. Hobart, llielr 
vvisiies seem to have been realized, and they had the happiness 
to enjoy his labors during a long life 

Some of the posterity of Mr. Hobart, in the female line, re- 
cently resided in the tovvii of South Old, and were respectable, 
but it is not known that he has any descendants now living. 

The Rev. Abraham Pierson was the first minister of South 
Hampton. He had been a minister in Yorkshire, in England, 
and came over to Boston in 1039, and joined the church there. 

Some of the English emigrants who had made a stand at 
liynn, in Massachusetts, having agreed to tbrm a settlement 
on Long-Ishind, on a tract of land which they liad purchased 
of the natives, with the consent of James Farret, agent of the 
Earl of Stirling, they agreed with Mr. Pierson to accompa- 
ny them as their niinister. He organized a church among 
them, and they entered into a civil combination or covenant 
for the support of order and good government, before they 
removed to the island. In December, 1640, they removed to 
the island and commenced the settlement of the town of South 
Hampton. 

The Indian deed was executed to John Gosmer, Edward 
Howell, Edmund Farrington, George Wells, Edmund Need- 
liam, Thomas Sayre, Job Sa\re, Edmund Halsey, Thomas 
Halsey Henry Walton, Daniel Howe, John Cooper, Allen 
Bread, and William Hardier and these, or most of them, are 
supposed to have conunenced the first setticment of South 
Haujpton, and their posterity', form no inconsiderable propor- 
tion of the present inhabitants ol that town. 

Shortly aftn ihe settlement of the town, they found itneces- 
.sary|for their seci.rity to (brm a conmction vvith some one of 
tlie New-Englaiui colonies, and it seems they were divided in 
opinion relative to the one they should join. 

New-Haven restricted ;»ll public olliees as well as the right 
of suffrage to'"members of the church, while in Connecticut 
ihey were common to all the inhabitants within her jurisdic- 
tion ; and it seems that Mr. Pierson, with a part of the church, 
wished to join New-Haven. The majority, however, prefer- 
red an union with Connecticut, and in 1644 joined that colo- 
ny. In consequence of which it is supposed that Mr. Pierson 
and a portion of the people removed ti» Branford, vvliere they 
commenced^a new settlement, and put themselves under the 
jurisdiction of New-Haven 

After his settlement at Branford, Mr. Pierson was employed 
by the commissioners of the society for propagating the gos- 



37 

pel in New-England, wliich was established in 1C49 to in- 
struct the Indians in those parts. 

From the accounts of the commissioners in Hazard's col- 
lections, it appears that Mr. Plerson was employed in the ser- 
vice more or less of his time from 1653 to 1667. 

In 1657, with the assistance of Thomas Stanton, an Indian 
interpreter, he translated into the language of the Indians, a 
caieciiism which he had composed for their use. 

In 1659 he attended a meeting at Roxbury, in Massachu- 
setts, for the purpose of witnessing the success of Mr. Elliot's 
labors among the Indians, and assisted in examining the In- 
dian converts in their own language. 

In 1665, New-Haven relinquislied her independence, and 
became a membf^r of the jurisdiction of Connecticut, under 
the charter granted by tlie king in 1662. It seems that Mr. 
Pierson and many others were opposed to this measure, and 
probably for tlie same reason that he left South Hampton he 
determined with such as were of the same opinion, to leave 
that part of the country. 

In May, 1666, Robert Treat, of Milford, and Samuel 
Swain of Branford, on behalf of themselves and a number of 
the people of Miltbrd, Branford, Nevv- Haven, and Guilford, 
made a purchase of the nitive proprietors of a tract of land 
on the Passaic river, in New-Jeisey, in order to form a new 
settlement there. 

it is suppo^ed iliat some part of tlie settlers removed to the 
new settI'Mni-ni immcdia el\ after tlie purchase. 

October 30iJ), iLiGG, the settlers adopted trie law of New- 
Haven^ wiiicli inlnbited any person froin becoming a freeman 
who was not a me nber of s«me congregational cliurch. 

The most of Mr. Pierson's church and congregation remo- 
ved fro;n BiMiiford, and the settlers from the other towns 
united with then, under his ministry. They called the 
town New Ark, as is supposed after the town where Mr. Pier- 
son was ordained in England. 

From the fact ol" Mr. Pierson's receiving an allowance from 
the com nissioners at their meeting, September 13th, 1667, 
for his services during the year preceding, it is supposed that 
])e did not remove to Newark, until after that meeting in the 
fall of that year. 

September lOth, 1668, the people of New irk, at a town 
meeting, voted to aHow Mr Pierson the expenses of his remo- 
val and digging his well, and also £80 for his services from the 
first of October, 1667, to the first of October, 1668, and stipu- 
lated to allow him a salary of £80 a year, payable half }t;ar- 



38 

]y, in produce at the current price, from the Bnt of October, 
1668 ; and also to give him a pound of butter lor * ver}' milch 
cow in the town, and also voted that he should be exempted 
from taxes, while he continued their minister 

II appears that Mr. Pierson was at this time advanced in 
years, and stood in need of an assistant. 

July 28th, 1669. the town tmployi^d his son, Abraham Pier- 
son, jun who graduated at Harvard in 1668, to assist his 
failif^r in the ministry, Manh 4th 1672, he was regularly set- 
tled as a colleague with him. 

It is supposed that Mr Pierson gradually declined, so as not 
to be capable of much service after this period, and that he 
died in 1680 or 81, at an advanced age. 

He is represented b\ Cotton Mather, as " an able and fer- 
vant preacher, and as a pious and prudtut man," and the 
Rev. Alexander Ale Whorter, one of Jiis. successors, in « centu- 
ry sermon, preached January 1st 1601, represents him to have 
been " a man of learning and piety, of natural abilities above 
the common level, and eminent for his wisdom, prudence and 
discretion." 

His son I'emained at Newark until the summer of 1692, 
when he removed to Connecticut, aiid in 1694, settled at Kil- 
lingsworth. 

In 1701, he was chosen rector or president of the new col- 
lege, which station he occupied till his death in 1708. 

The Rev. John Pierson, a son of the president, settled at 
Woodbridge, New-Jersej^ and was the ancestor of a number 
of families of that name in that part of the country. 

The Rev. Ashbel Green of Philadelphia, late president of 
the college at Princeton, is said to be a grandson of Mr. 
Pierson, of Woodbridge. 

It is supposed tliat the original ancestor left other posterity, 
whose decendanls reside in New-Jersey, New- York and Con- 
necticut, who are gem rally respectable. 

The Rev. Robert Fordham succeeded Mr. Pierson in the 
ministry at South Hampton. He visited the Town in 1648, 
and accepted an invitation to become their minister, but his 
salary did not commence, nor is it probable that he began his 
Stated labors there until the 1st of April, 1649. 

Mr. Fordham came from England ; and it is related by 
Johnson, in his " wonder-working providence" that he first 
went to the v.estpart oi the Island, and it seems he accouipa- 
nied Mr. Denton to Hempstead. His name is the first inser- 
ted in the patent grantee by the Dutch governor, December 
16th, 1644, for that town. He was a resident and proprietor 



39 

there, when he received the invitation of the people of South 
Hampton to become tfieir miuisier, Mr. Fordhain continued 
the minister of Soiilh Hrimpton till his death in 1674. 

From the inventory of his property on record, it appears, 
that he possessed a large estate for that period, amounting to 
£2')00 and upwards, exclusive of hi> debts ; and the value of 
his library, which was appraised at £53 7s. Gd. indicates that 
be was a man of learning as well as piety. The Kev. Josiah 
Ford ham, supposed to have been a grandson of Mr. Fordham, 
preached a short time at Brookhaven afier the decease of Mr, 
Brewster. His posterity still r» side in South tiampton, 
and are respectable. 

The Rev. Joseph Taylor succeeded Mr. Fordham, in March 
1680, and died in April I6S2. The invitation to him with a 
single exception, was unanimous, which is a decisive proof 
that he must have been in great esteem with the people of that 
town. He came there from New-Haven ; but little is known 
of his history. 

The Rev. Joseph Whiting was invited to South Hampton, 
in June 1682, and probably accepted the invitation and settled 
there a short time afterwards. Mr. Whiting was the youngest 
son of the Rev. Samuel Whiting, who was a distinguished 
preacher in Norfolk in England, came over to Boston in 1636, 
and settled at Lynn, where hecontinued till his death in 1679. 
He had three sons who were ministers. Mr. Joseph Whiting 
the youngest, graduated at Harvard in 1661 He studied 
theology with his father, and for many years assisted him in 
the ministry. Mr. Whiting continued the minister of South 
Hampton till his death, in April 1723, in the 82d year of his age* 

Mr Whiting was a close student, and devoted himself whol- 
ly to the duties of his sacred function. Cotton Mather, in his 
Magnalia, written in 1697, in his account of the family, says, 
" Joseph is at this day a worthy and painful minister of the 
gospel at South Hampton, on Long-Island." 

There is a tradition among some of the elderly people of 
Southampton, that he so abstracted hin>self from the care of 
all temporal concerns, that he was ignorant of the number or 
nature of his own stock. Mr. Whiting left a son. the Rev. 
John Whiting, who graduated at Harvard in 1700, setded at 
Coficord in 1712, and died in 1752, aged 71. His posterity 
reside in Concord. It is not known that Mr. Whiting has any 
posterity on Long-Island. 

The Rev. Richard Denton, was the first minister of Hemp- 
stead. He had been a minister in Halifax, in England. He 
came over to Watertown between 1630 and 35. In 1635, 



40 

lie, with some who had joined the church tnere, under the 
charge of the Rev. George Phillips, and others, emigrated to 
Connecticut and commenced the. st tciement of Wetliersfield. 
Mr. Denton, witli some part of the people of VVethersfield, in 
]641, removed to i»tamford, and i;) 1644. he, with part of his 
church and congregation, removed to Hempstead on Long- 
Island, and settled on a tract of land which they liad purchased 
of the Indians, and for which they recei.ed a patent front the 
Dutch, who exercised jurisdiction over that part of the Island. 
Matthias Mitchil, Thomas Hayner, Andrew Ward, Robert 
Coe, and Hichard Gildersleve, were some of the leading n^en 
who accompanied Mr. Denton. Mr Denton continued the 
minister of Hempstead nil his death in 16G3. He is represent- 
ed by Cotton iMatlier as " an able preacher and an excellent 
man." He states that Mr. Denton left a manuscript system of 
divinity, entitled " Soliloquia Sacra," which was well spoken 
of by those who had seen it. Mr. Denton's posterity are 
numerous and respectable. 

The Rev. Jeretniah Hobart settled at Hempstead in 1682.^' 
He was the son of the Rev. Peter Hobart. of Hinp,ham, Mas- 
sachusetts, and brotnerof Mr. Joshua Hobart, of South Old, 
He was born in England in 1630, and came over a child in 
1635. He graduated at Harvard in 16'iO. He first preach- 
ed atTopsfield in Massachusetts. He removed to Hempstead 
in 1682, wliere he continued till 1696, or thereabouts, when 
he removed to Haddam, in Connecticut, where he was installed 
in 1700, and preached till his death. He went to public wor- 
ship in the forenoon, and died in his chair, between meetings, 
in 1717, aged 87 years. He was the grandfather of the cele- 
brated missionary, the Rev. David Brainard. 

The Rev. Thomas James was the first minister of East 
Hampton.*^ His ancestry is not known. It is conjectured, 
however, that he was a son of the Rev. Thomas James, who 
preached at Charlestown, in Massachusetts, in 163.3, who went 
to Virginia as a missionary in 1642, and who as is supposed, 
afterwards returned to England. It is the tradition that he 
came from England before he iiad finished his studies, and 
that he completed his education with some of the ministers 
who at that time adorned the Churches of New-England. 
East Hampton was purcliased of the native proprietors in 
1648, and a settlement was shortly after formed there. John 
Hand, John Strction, Thomas Tahnagc, jun. Robert Bond, 

* It is probable that the people of Mempstead employed a minister after the deat)» 
ofMr. Denton, before the settlement of Mr. Hobart, but no records have been found 
tbat tliro'.v any light on the subject. 



41 

Robert Rose, Thomas Thompson, Josliua Barnes, John Mul- 
ford aud Daniel Howe, commenced the first settlement at East 
Hampton It is not known when Mr. James first came there. 
In 1651, it appears from the town records that the inhabitants 
of that town agreed to give him £50 a year, for his labours 
in the ministry among them, h is not probable that he had 
been long there, perhaps not longer than was necessary to 
form an acquaintance with each other. It seems probable 
that the clmrch was not regularly organized, nor was Mr. 
James settled in East Hampton until 1650 or 1651. 

In 1655, the inhabitants entered into a civil combination or 
social contract for the support of good government among 
themselves. 

Mr James seems to have been the first person employed to 
instruct the Indians on the Island. 

In the accounts of the society for propagating the gospel in 
New-England, for 1661, there is an allowance of £10 to Mr. 
James of East Hampton, for preparing himself ibr that diffi- 
cult employment ; and in the accounts for the succeeding 
three years, there is an allowance of £20 a year for each of 
those year.> to Mr. James for his salary for instructing " the 
Indians at Long-Island." 

Mr. Beecher, in his sermon of 1806, states " that Mr James 
" was unquestionably a man of strong natural powers, had a 
"go d education, umlcrstood public business, and was repeat- 
" ediy employed by the town as a trustee, and to act for 
** them with their committees on difficult emergencies." It 
raay be added that the records of the town furtiish ;unple evi- 
dence of uncommon firmness and decision of character. 

Mr. James seems to have been very zealous for the preser- 
vation of civil liberty, aud the protestant religion, which he 
saw endangered b}* the arbitrary ^Measures and bigoted prin- 
ciples of James II and his catholic governors, and probably 
freely and boldly expressed his apprehensions in the pulpit. 
In the colony records, in the minutes of the council for No- 
vember I8th, 1686, it is stated that on the reception of two 
depositions charging the Rev. Thomas James, of East Hamp- 
ton, with having preached a certain sedititius sermon on the 
17th of October preceding, an order was passed by governor 
Dongiu and the council, for a warrant to be issued to a mes- 
senger to have Mr. James before the council that day fortnight 
to answer the premises. The result cannot be ascertained 
from the records, and is not known. 

There is very little known of Mr. James's ministerial cha- 
racter, but sufficient indications of it in the records of the town 

6 



4ii 

to evince that he was a faithful preacher and prudent man. 

Mr. James continued at Kast Hampton till his death in 
lf>96. The peoplf employed a Mr. Jones to assist him during 
the last three years <»f his life, in consequenc'e of his age and 
infirmities he having: relinquished £40 of his salary to enable 
them to do it. Mr. James ordered his body to be laid in a 
position contrary to that of his people, and he was buried in 
that manner. 

November 20th, 1695, Mr. James sold and conveyed his 
real estate to John Gardiner, of Gardiner's Island, for £500, 
one half of which was paid immediately, and Mr. Gardiner 
obligated himself to pay the other half to the assigns of Mr. 
James within one month next after his decease From his 
selling his estate, and especially from the omission of any 
terms of relationship in the description of tie persons to whom 
Mr. Gardiner was to pay the residue of the purchase m )ney, 
it is inferred that Mr. James did not leave any posterity. 

Tiip Rev. Nathaniel Hunting succeeded Mr James in the 
ministry at Eist Haoipton. Mr. Hu ting's grandfather came 
from Enjjland to Massachusetts, probably in 1636. He was 
ordained the ruling elder in the church at liedham ; at the 
same time Mr. Allen was ordained the pastor of that church. 

Elder Hunting had a brother and brother-in-law in Eng- 
land, who were ministers, and he was cousin to the famous 
minister John Rogers, of Dedham m England. Mr. Hunt- 
ing gratuated at Harvard in 1693. Became to East Hamp- 
ton in 1696, and was ordained liie minister of that town in 
September, 1(99, and continued the sole ministerof that place 
till 1746, when the Rev. Samuel Buell was called to assist 
him, on account of his age and ujfninities. Mr.Hunting died 
in 1753. 

The character of Mr. Hunting is thus drawn by the Rev. 
Lyman Beecher, one of hi>< successors in the ministry at East 
Hampton, in a sermon preached at East Hampton in 1806. 

" Mr. Hunting was a man of strong and distinguishing 
mind ; firm and independent, without rashness and obstinacy; 
he was a hard student, and accurate scholar, and of extensive 
theological learning. His sermons, of which more than 100 
volumes are now extant in manuscript, are written in a close 
and nervous style. They are the result of careful study ; are 
written with great particularity and critical accuracy, abound 
with scripture references, and references to the most approved 
authors and commentators. They inculcate abundantly the de- 
pravity of human nature — the necessity of regeneration — the 
agency of God, and his sovereignty in this work — the insuffi- 



43 

clency of works to justify, and that we are justified by faith 
only.'' 

It is not known that Mr. Hunting ever published any of 
his sermons, nor is \* known that he wrote on any other sub- 
ject. His manuscripts are in the hands of some of his de- 
scendants. 

Mi-. Hiintinj^ had five son?; :ind one (Jaughter. Two of his 
sons becaine fanners; one of iliem sptthd in East anipton, 
and the other ai South unptoii. Three of them received a 
liberal edncat'on. Nathaniel and Jonathan studied divinity 
and became preachers, but both were obliged to desist from 
preaching on account of their health, Jonathan died at East 
Hampton in 1750, in the thirty-sixth year of nis age. Nathan- 
iel also died at East Hampton, in 1770 aged 68 years. Ed- 
ward was a physician, and died at East Hampton in 1745, in 
the 42d year of his age. 

Mr. Hunting's daughter married a Mr. Coit of New-Lon- 
don. 

The several families of Huntings in East Hampton and 
South Hampton, and the Rev. Jonathan Hunting, the present 
minister of South • Md, are descendants of Mr. Hunting. 

The Rev. William Leveridge is supposed to have been the 
first minister of Huntington. He came from England with 
captain Wiggin and company, in 1633, with a view to settle 
at Pisquataqua, but not having sufficient encouragement 
to remain there, came to Boston and joined the church there, 
August 9th, 1635. From thence he removed to Plymouth. 

Judge Davis, in a note to his edition of Morton's history of 
Plymouth, states that it appears from the Plymouth records, 
that Mr. Leveridj^^e assisted Mr. Partridge, the minister of 
Duxbury, a short space before he removed to Sandwich, and 
that he was teacher of the church of Sandwich a considerable 
time. 

Mr. Partridge arrived at Boston in 1636. It is probable 
that he settled at Duxbury the next year, where Mr. Lever- 
idge assisted him, and that he settled at Sandwich in 1638. 

Wentworth, in his Journal, mentions Mr. Leveridge as the 
minister of Sandwich in 1639. 

Morton, in his history of Plymouth, states, ihatin 1642, the 
colouy was adorned with a number of able and godly miais- 
ters, and enumerates Mr. Leveridge among the number. 

There were a' considerable number of Indians in or ne£.r 
Sandwich, where Mr Leveridge was settled, and this led him 
to make some exertions to qualify himselffor their instruction. 



44 

Mr Elliott, of Roxbury, the celebrated Indian preacher, 
who translated the bible into their language, in a letter, of 
September 3d, 1651, to the commissioners of the society for 
propagating the gospel in New England, informed them that 
Mr. Leveridge and Mr. Blinman were fitting themselves for 
the work of the gospel among the Indians, of which they in- 
form the society in their letter of the 10th of that month. 

It seems that Mr. Leveridge did not continue at Sandwich a 
long time after this period. 

In April, 1653, he visited Long ?sland, and with certain 
others from that part of the country where lie was settled, 
made a purchase of the natives of a large tract of land at Oys- 
terbay, withtiie design of forming a new settlement or planta- 
tion there 

The deed for the land bears date April, 1653, and was exe- 
cuted to William Leveidge, Samuel IVlavoand Peter Wright; 
the ieed iiir Hum iisi')" was obtained the same month and 
was given to Richard H ildbrook, Robert Williams, and Dan- 
iel ^^ hitehead, who, vvitii Peter Holbrook, Ant!' .ny Wright, 
Charles Armitage,VVilliam Washborne, Daniel Washborne, and 
John Washborne, seem to have composed the same company 
that made both purchases, and probably came from the same 
part of the country. 

Shortly after the purchase Mr. Ijcveridge removed from 
Sandwich in order to commence the settlement of the new 
plantation at Oysterbay. 

The vessel which conveyed him and his goods went to 
Hempstead Harbour, within the Dutch jurisdiction, and land- 
ed the cattle and the goods there, " because there was no house 
erected at Oysterbay, in which the goods could be received."* 

It would seem that after his ren)oval to Oysterbay, Mr Le- 
veridge devoted more or less of his time, either on Long- 
Island or elsewhere, to the instruction of the natives. It is 
probable that the English settlements in the neighborhood, in 
their infancy, were unable to support a settled minister, and 
that he divided his labours between them and the native tribes. 

From the accounts of the commissioners presented to the 
society for propagating the gospel in i\ew-England, it appears 
that they allowed Mr. Leveridge, from time to time, from 

* During the year 1653, war prevailed between the Englisli and Dutch in Europe, 
and Rhode-Island took part with the mother country. Tlie vessel which carried Mr. 
Leveridge, belonged to capt. Thomas Willett, Samuel Mayo, William Paddy and 
.Tohn Barnes of Barnstable, and was taken while within the Dutch limits, by Thomas 
Baxter, who was cruising against the Dutch commerce, under a commission from the 
authority of Rhode-Island, and the commissioners of the united colonies wore obliged 
$oiaterfere to procure the restoration of tliQ vessel. — Hazabo'3 Coilection?. 



45 

1653 to 1658, several small sums for his service among the 
Indians. 

In 1657, the commissioners wrote to him to engage him to 
luidertake the instruction ofthe Corchaug and MontauU tribes 
at the east end ofthe Island, if his situation would admit of 
his being employed in that service. 

It seems liis settlement at Huntington about this period, pre- 
vented his accepting ihe invitation of t!ie commissioners. 

In 1658 he seems to have been established as the minister 
of Huntington. During that year, the people of that town ap- 
propriated land for his use, and in 1662 enlarged the quantity. 

In 1658. Mr. Leveridge also had a gri-<t niill erected on a 
stream that ran through the town, which was the first mill 
erecied in the town. 

Mr. Leveridge continued the minister of Huntington until 
1670, when he removed to Newtown, and is supposed to have 
been the first maiister of that town. 

He remained at Newtown till his death, the date of which 
is not precisely known, but appears from the records ofthe 
town to have been previous to 1694. It is probable that it was 
not long before that year, and that he died at an advanced 
agce 

In one of the books among the town records of Newtown, 
there is a co'ti nentary on a considerable portion of the Old 
Testament, which is presumed to have been made by Mr. 
Leveridge. If so, it is no inconsiderable proof of his learning 
and industry. He is characterized by Hubbard, in his history 
of Nevv-E:igland, as " an able and worthy minister." 

The circumstance of his having been one ofthe original 
proprietors of Oysterbay, and of having erected a grist mill in 
the infancy of the town of riuntington, would seem to indicate 
that Mr. Leveridge must have possessed a considerable estate. 

Some of Mr. Leveridge's posterity still reside in Newtown, 
and rank among the most respectable people ofthe town. 

The Rev. Eliphalet Jones succeeded Mr. Leveridge in the 
ministry at Huntington. He was a son of the Rev. John 
Jones, who arrived at Boston in 1635, and settled at Concord 
in connection with the Kev. Peter Bulldey, in 1637. Mr. 
Jones did not continue many years at Concord. It seems that 
an unusual number of people settled at Concord. The Rev. 
Ezra Ripley, the minister of that town, in a discourse deliver- 
ed January 24th, 1792, states that a considerable proportion 
ofthe church and people finding the place too scanty for the 
comfortable subsistence of so many, a few years after the first 
settlement of the town, sold their possessions, weut with Mr. 



46 

Jones to Connecticut, and settled the town of Fairfield. 
From a petition of the inhabitants of' oncord, dated in 1645, 
on file in the office of the Secretary of State ol Massacluist^tts, 
it appears that the emigration took place in the summer or fall 
of 1644, and consisted only of a seventh or eighth part of the 
inhabitants, a much less proportion than Mr. Ripley suppo- 
sed. 

Mr, Jones was the fir;t minister of h airfield, and rontinued 
there till his death, the precise date of wiiich is not known. 

JVlr. Wakeman, the next minister, settled in 1665 ; but 
might have settled as an assistant, it is probable that Mr. Jones 
died previous to 1668. In that year lands were laid out in 
Fairfield, to a Mrs. Jones, who is supposed to have been the 
widow of the minister. In 1673, Eliphalet Jones, his son, 
conveyed a home lot of two acres, in Fairfield, to his nephew, 
John Bulkley, which was probably his father's ; and in 1694, 
lie conveyed to him two other tracts of land, in the same town, 
which are stated in the record to have been left him by his 
" honoured father, John Jones." 

From a record of births in Concord, found in the court re- 
cords in Boston, it appears that the Rev. Eliphalet Jones, was 
born the 9th of the 11th month, 1640. It is not known where 
he received his education. It is not improbable that he was 
educated by the Rev. Peter Bulkley and his son who suc- 
ceeded him — the first, if not both of whom, was a distinguished 
scholar, and with which family he seems to have been in some 
way connected. 

In 1669, Mr. Jones was stationed at Greenwich, either 
as a missionary or settled minister During that year the 
people of Jamaica voted to send a messenger to Greenwich to 
give him an invitation to visit that town in order to his settle- 
ment as their minister. 

In May, 1724, Mr Jones conveyed fifteen acres of land in 
Greenwich, to Eliphalet Hill, which he conveyed to Joseph 
Marshall, of that place, the same montli. This land is suppo- 
sed to have been allotted to him as one of the proprietors of 
t)ie town, or to have been granted to him as a settlement, or as 
a renmneration for his services while he preached there. 

In April, 1673, the people of Huntington authorised their 
magistrates, with certain others named for that purpose, to 
use their endeavors, to procure a minister for the town. 

It seems that they invited Mr. Jones to come among them, 
and that he visited the town some time before 1676. In Jan- 
uary of that year, the people of Huntington gave him an invi- 
tation to continue among them as their minister, and at the 



47 

same time voted to give him twenty acres of land where he 
chose to take it up. 

Mr. Jones seems to have been very reluctant in assenting to 
a settlement, until he was assured of the general approbation 
of the people. It seems that he continued with them another 
year without closing with their proposal. 

In June, 1677, the question was again put to the people at 
his request, whether they still desired his continuance with 
them as iheir minister, and was answered in the affirmative 
by all but one who were present. 

Mr- Jones then settled among them, and continued the sole 
minister of the town until June 21st. 1719, when on account 
of his age and infirmities, Ebenezer Prime was employed to 
assist him and continued in that capacity until June 5th, 1723, 
when he was ordained a^ a colleague with him. 

Mr. Jones gave the charge to Mr. Prime at his ordination, 
with which he was so much pleased, that he entered it on the 
church records ; and this, with the skeleton or outline of a 
single sermon, bund among the town records, and supposed 
to be his, are the only productions of Mr. Jones that have 
been discovered. 

At the time of Mr Prime's settlement, the church consisted 
of forty-three members. 

It is not probable that Mr. Jones was capable of much ser- 
vice long after Mr. Prime's settlement, although he lived a 
number of years after that period. 

It appears from a receipt of a store-keeper with whom he 
traded, that he was living in April 1731, when he must have 
been upwards of ninety. 

The tradition of the family, whose ancestor lived with him, 
is that lie lived till he was nearly an hundred years old. 

Mr. Jones seems to have been a man of great purity and 
simplicity of manners, and a faithful and successful preacher. 

It is prett} well ascertained, that Mr. Jones did not leave 
any posterity, and that he gave his estate to Eliphalet liill, who 
is supposed to have been his kinsman, whom he had brought 
up, and who managed his business and took care of him in his 
old age 

The Rev. Nathaniel Brewster was the first minister of 
Brookhaven. His ancestry seems to be involved in some ob- 
scurity. He is supposed to have been a son of Jonathan 
Brewster, and grandson of the distinguished elder William 
Brewster, of Plymouth. It is supposed that Jonathan Brewster 
conducted or accompanied the settlers who commenced the 
settlement at Windsor, on Connecticut river, under the au- 



48 

tbority of Plymouth colony, in 1633, and that he continued 
to reside there some year?, perhaps till 1643, when it is sup- 
s, posed that he formed a settlement at Mohegan, now Norwich. 
He died in 1659. The Rev. Nathaniel Brewster is supposed 
to have been the same person who graduated by that name 
in the 1st class of Harvard College, in 1642. 

About that time, the laws enforcing uniformity were repeal- 
ed, and others adopted which subjected the episcopal clergy 
to impositions incompatible with the rules of that church; in 
consequence efwhich great numbers relinquished their charges 
and the vacancies were supplied by presbyterian and indepen- 
dent ministers. 

Some of those who had come to this country to escape 
ecclesiastical oppression, and to secure the enjoyment of reli- 
gious freedom, returned to England and resumed the exercise 
of iheir ministerial functions ; and others who had been edu- 
cated in this country went over to England, during the suspen- 
sion of episcopal authority, and settled in some part of that 
country. 

Hutchinson, in his history of Massachusetts, states that 
most of those who graduated in the first class at Harvard Col- 
lege, went to England, and that Nathaniel Brev\sler was 
among the number, and " that he was a settled minister at 
Norfolk, and of good report." 

He received, while in K.ngland, the degree of Bachelor in 
Divinity, at the college at Dublin, while it was in the hands of 
the dissenters. 

In 1662, after the restoration of Charles II. episcopacy was 
~ restored, and the laws of uniformity re-enacted ; in conse- 
quence of which, the presbyterian and independent ministers 
were in their turn obliged to leave their churches. 

It is supposed that Mr. Brewster was among the number, 
and that he shortly after returned to this country, and settled 
! at Brookhaven in the fall of 1665. Ai a town meeting held 
October 24th, 1 665, the town voted to purchase the house and 
home lot of Matthew Prior, for the accommodation of Mr. 
Brewster the minister. He continued the minister of Brook- 
^ haven till his death, in 1G90. 

It is a tradition of the family that Mr. Brewster married Sa- 
rah Ludlow, a daughter of Roger Ludlow, who was one of 
the most eminent men in New-England. He was a member 
of the council, and deputy governor of Massachusetts while he 
remained in that colony. He removed to Windsor in 1635 — to 
Fairfield in 1640, and to Virginia in 1654. He was a mem- 
ber of the council and deputy governor, while he remained in 



49 

Connecticut. He also principally contributed to the forma- 
tion of the original constitution of 1639, and to the original 
laws of that colony. In 1649, he was employed by the as- 
sembly to reduce their various acts to a code or system, which 
they adopted. Mrs. Brewster, his daughter, is said to have 
been eminently distinguished for her talents and acquirements, 
and is supposed to have had the chief or sole management of 
the concerns of the family. Mr. Brewster left three sons, 
John, Timoth}^ and Daniel, to whom he left considerable 
property, from whom the Brewsters on Long-Island, in Orange 
County, aiKl in New-Jersey, are descended. His son Daniel 
was a magistrate in Brookhaven for many years, and his de- 
scendants generally sustain a respectable rank in society. 

The Rev. George Phillips succeeded Mr. Brewster in 1697, 
ond for some time preached a part of the time at Smith Town. 
Mr. Phillips was the son of the Rev. Samuel Phillips, 
of Rowley, in Massachusetts, and a grandson of the Rev. 
George Phillips, who preached at Boxford, in Essex, in Eng- 
land, before he came to this country, and came over with 
Governor Winthrop to Boston, in 1630, and settled at Water- 
town, where he continued eminently useful to the time of his 
death, in 1644. The father of Mr. Phillips, the Reverend 
Samuel Phillips, of Rowley, died in 1696, aged 71 ; 
lie left a number of children among whom were Sam- 
uel, John, and George. One of the two first is said to 
have been a goldsmith, and settled at Salem. His son 
Samuel was the first minister of Andover ; he died in 1771, 
in the 82d year of li is age His grandson Samuel was the 
founder of the Andover academy; he died 1790, aged 76. 
His grandson, John Phillips, was the founder of the Exeter 
academy in New-Hampshire ; he died in 1795, aged 76 ; and 
his great grandson, Samuel, was the late lieutenant governor 
of Massachusetts ; he died in 1 802, aged 50. — Of which branch 
of this family of the Phillips', Doctor Miller in his review 
observes, that few families in this country have been more dis- 
tinguished for liberal donations to religious and literary insti- 
tutions, than they. 

The Rev. George Phillips was born in 1664 — graduated 
at Harvard college, 1686. He preached at Jamaica a Cew 
years before he settled at Brookhaven. He settled in that 
town in 1697, and continued the minister there until his death, 
in 1739, aged 75. 

Mr. Phillips was distinguished for a peculiar vein of natural 
wit. His ordinary discourse was tinctured with this peculiarity 5 
and tradition has preserved ipany of his speeches, that exem- 
pli fv it. 



§0 

Mr. Phillips seems to have been a faithful preacher. He 
not only served his own church and congregation, but 
preached lectures in destitute congregations. He left three 
sons and three daughters. His descendants are numerous. 
The Rev. Ebenezer Phillips, of Easthampton, WilJiain Phil- 
lips esq. of Brookhaven, and George S. Phillips esq. of Smith- 
town, are his only male descendants on Long Island. The 
Phillips family in Orangp county, and some of the name in 
New-Jersey and Connecticut, are his descendants. 

The Rev. Zachariah Walker was the first minister at Ja- 
maica. Mr. Walker probably came from Englar»d before he 
was ordained ; and it is supposed preached at Jamaica as a 
licentiate. He came to Jamaica in 1663, and is supposed to 
have removed to Stratford in 1668, where he was ordained. 
It is also supposed that he removed from Stratford to Wood- 
bury in 1670. 

The Rev. John Prudden succeeded Mr. Walker, at Jamai- 
ca Mr Prudden is supposed to have been a son of the Rev. 
Peter Prud len who came to New-Haven in company with 
the celebrated minister John Davenport, and settled at Milford, 
in 1669. 

Mr. Prudden graduated at Harvard college in 1668. He 
settled at Jamaica in 1670^ and continued there until 1692, 
when he left that place and removed to Newark, in New-Jer- 
sey, and settled in that town. 

Mr. Prudden had been a class-mate at college with the Rev. 
Abraham Pierson jun the minister of Newark, who removed 
from that town during the summer of 1692. About this time, 
or shortl}^ after, Mr. Prudden seems to have visited Newark, 
probably with a view to obtain a settlement there. 

August 23d, 169^, the people of Newark, at a town-meeting, 
agreed to invite Mr. Prudden to become their minister and 
settle among them, and offered him £50 a year and his fire- 
wood, for his encouragement and the comfortable subsistence 
of his family; and also voted that he should have and hold 
such a " propriety" and other convenieneies for his accom- 
modation in the town, as should be agreed upon between him 
and the committee appointed to confer with him — who reported 
his acceptance of their invitation and offer to the same town- 
meeting, or to one held the same day. 

Mr. Prudden continued the minister of Newark, until June 
9th 1699, when, for some cause or other, not now known, he 
relinquished his charge. 

He continued to reside in the town after his resignation, and 
seems to have enjoyed the esteem and confidence of the peo- 



51 

jile. Tt appears from the records of the town, that when a 
vacancy in the ministry occurred, he was generally ap- 
poinJed one of the committee to procure another minister — 
that he was actively engaged in the settlement of two who suc- 
cessively succeeded him ; and that he was uniformly employed 
to supply the pulpit in the intervals. 

Mr. PrUdden continued to reside at Newark, in a private 
capacity, until his death, lie died December 11th, 1725, 
aged SO years. Dr McWhorter, in his sermon of 1st of January 
1801, states " that he sustaineil a worthy character, as a man of 
sense and religion, though he does not appear to have been a 
popular preacher," It is supposed tiiathe possessed aconsider- 
able estate, which enabled him to live on his own means. His 
descendants are numerous — they chiefly reside in Morris coun- 
ty, New-Jersey, and are generally very reputable ; and some 
ofthoseinthe female line, are said to have been distinguished 
as very useful and worthy members of society. 

Tiie Rev. Abner Reeve was the first minister of whom we 
have any certain knowledge that preached at Smith Town. 
It is supposed that he was born at South Old. He graduated 
at Yale College in 1731. it is said that he preached at Smith 
Town, West Hampton, the Fire-Place, Islip, and Huntington 
South ; but it is not known that he was ever settled at any one 
of these places. It is supposed that he removed from Long- 
Island to Blooming-grove, in Orange county, and from that 
place to Brattleborough, in Vermont. Very little is known 
of his history. It is said that the late judge Reeve, of Litch- 
field, in Connecticut, was his son. 

The Rev. JVapthali Dagget, settled at Smith Town in 1751. 
Mr. Dagget came from Attleborough, in Massachusetts. He 
graduated at Yale College, in 1748. He remained at Smith 
Town till 175G, when he received an invitation from the trus- 
tees of Yale College to the professorship of theology in that 
institution, which he accepted. After the death of the Rev. 
Thomas Clapp, in 1766 Mr. Dagget officiated as president 
till 1777, when he resigned his office. He died in 1780. 

The British troops, in their incendiary expedition against 
the several maritime towns of Connecticut, among other enor- 
mities that stained that transaction with infamy, after having 
taken Mr. Dagget and others, prisoners, wantonly and shame- 
fully beat and insulted him. 

It is said that Mr. Dagget was a good classical scholar, and 
a learned divine. 



52 

Of the Episcopal Church on Long-Island. 

There was not an Episcopal church, or an Episcopal min- 
ister in the colony of New-York, at ihe time of the conquest 
in J 664, and if there were any Episcopalians among the inhab- 
itants, the number must have been very small. The inhabi- 
tants either belonged to the Dutch reformed church, or were 
English non-conformists. 

While the colony was under the government of the Duke 
of York, the Catholics were encouraged, and very few Epis- 
copal families emigrated to tlie colony. 

After the revolution in 1688, the Governors, and usually 
most of the members of the council were Episcopalians, and 
the patronage of the government was almost exclusively con- 
fined to those who were of that persuasion. This held out a 
strong inducement to emigration to people of that denomina- 
tion. 

The Episcopal population wns for some time pretty much 
confined to the city of New-York, and the first Episcopal 
church was erected there in 1696. 

Although the statutes of uniformity did not extend to the 
colonies, and although the religious constitution of the colony 
was a perfect equality among protestaits of all denominations, 
yet the colony governors struggled to give some legal ascen- 
dancy to the Episcopalians over other denominations. They 
incorporated their churches, which they refused to the Presby- 
terians. They obstructed the Presbyterian Ministers who 
came into the colony in the exercise of their functions, and 
under pretence of ecclesiastical authority, required them to 
apply to them for a license to preach. In 1707, Lord Corn- 
bury tyrannically and illegally imprisoned two Presbyterian 
Ministers, and on some such pretence subjected one of them 
to great vexation and expense. 

They were incessant in their apfdication to the assembly for 
the establishment of a revenue for the support of the Episcopal 
clergy until they worried the assembly in some measure into 
a compliance with their wishes. 

In 1693, the colonial assembly subdued by the importunity 
of Governor Fletcher, passed an act for the settlement of min- 
isters, and raising a maintenance for them in the city of New- 
York, and in the counties of Westchester, Richmond and 
Queens. 

It is apparent from the language of the act, as well as from 
the history of the times, that it was not the intention of the 
assembly, (the greater part of whom were of other denomina- 



53 

tiousj toconilne the benefit of the stipend exclusively to Epis- 
copal ministers, and some efl'orts were made to give the act a 
general operation In 1695, the assembly resolved that the 
benefit of the act extended to dissenting; protestant ministers, 
but the Govern "r rejected that construction, and applied it 
solely to tlie Episcopal clergy, who continued to engross the 
benefit of it till the revolution. 

By this act, Queens county was divided into two precincts, 
Hempstead and Jamai a. The precinct of Hempstead com- 
prised the towns of Hempsiead and Oysterbay, and the pre- 
cinct of Jamaica comprehended the towns of Jamaica, Flush- 
ing and Newtown ; and eacii precinct was required to raise 
JG'60 by a general tax on all the freeholders, for the support of 
the ministry. 

There were at this time but a few families nf Episcopalians 
in the several towns of Qsieens county, and it was deemed a 
grievance that the great mass of the people should be obliged 
to contribute to the support of ministers of another church. 

In 1773 the people of Jamaica refused so pay the stipend to 
the Episcopal minister and made an appeal to the court of 
Chancery to be relieved from the burden, but it does not ap- 
pear that they obtained any redress before the revolution re- 
lieved them. 

There was no authority in the colonies that could, b}' the 
constitution of the Episcopal church, confer the ministerial 
office The first Episcopal ministers that came to this coun- 
try, had been ordained by the bishops in England, and were 
sent out as missionaries by the society for propagating the 
gospel in foreign parts.* 

* In 1762, tliere were 07 Episcopal missionaries in those p^rts of North America, 
which now compose tlie L'nited States, to wit. In Connecticut 16. in New-V'ork 10, 
in Pennsylvania 9, in .M^ssachusetts 8, in New-Jersey 8, in North Carolina 5, in South 
Carolina 4. in R,l)ode-Isl,ind 4, in Georgia 2, and in New-Harapshire 1. 

In 1773 the population of the colony of New-York was estimated at 150,000, and 
not more than one tifteeutli part of it was supposed to he composed of Episcopalians. 

At that time there were twenty-on- Episcopal churches in the colony, supplied by 
as many missionaries ; most of them were very small, none but those in the city of 
New- York, and perhaps Queens county, were at that time able to support their minis- 
ters witliout the aid of the tax, or of contributions from the society for propagatmg' the 
Gospel in foreign parts, and all received some support from the society. 

The state of the different sects of religion in the colony of New- York, in an estimate 
formed for that year, was as follows ' 

Ministers. Vacant Congregations. i 

Presbyterians, 48 15 

Dutcli Reformed, iiS 'iJL 

J/piscopalian, '21 

Quakers, 3 7 

Anabaptists, 12 4 

Moravian, 2 

Lutheran, 3 !0 

Congregational, 2 

All the frontier settlements aot organized into churches, were cojDpojed of .Prcgby- 
lerians and Consicgatioualiits. 



54 

The ecclesiastical concerns of the colonies were committed 
to the care of the Bishop of London. The native colonists 
who wished to take orders in the Episcopal church, were 
obliged to go to England for them, and this continued to be 
the case until the revolution. 

Some time previous to that event, some efforts were made 
to have Bishops sent to this country, but it was opposed by 
other denominations, under an apprehension that the measure 
would lead to the establishment of the Episcopal church, with 
the same prerogatives over other denominations with which it 
was invested in England. It is also intimated that the mea- 
sure was opposed both by the American and British statesmen^ 
but on quite different and opposite grounds. By the first, on 
the ground that as it could only be effected by an act of Par- 
liament, an admission of the power of pailiament to do this 
would involve an admission that Parliament possessed power 
over the colonies, incompatible with the security of liberty, 
life, property, and religion : by the last, on the ground that 
such an establishment would lessen the dependence of the 
colonies on Great Britain, and would remove a powerful ob- 
stacle to their independence. 

The exclusion of any connexion between church and state, 
and the equality of religious privileges, secured to all denom- 
inations of christians by the constitutions of the several states, 
precluded all objection to the introduction of Bishops into 
the United States after the revolution. 

The Rev. Samuel Seabury of Connecticut in 1784, and the 
Rev. Samuel Provost of Nev/-York, and the Rev. William 
White of Pennsylvania, in 1785 visited Great Britain, and 
were consecrated Bishops of the Episcopal church in those 
states respectively. 

The consecration of these Bishops furnished the number 
necessary by the rules of the Episcopal church, to confer the 
Episcopal office, and they shortly after consecrated other 
Bishops for other states, and since that period the Episcopal 
church in the United States has been supplied with subordi- 
nate officers in each diocess, by ordinations by the Bishop of 
the diocess. 

In 1789, the Bishops, clergy, and the representatives of the 
laity, of the Episcopal church, in the United States, met in 
convention, and made such alterations in the constitution 
of the Episcopal church as established in England, as renders 
it more conformable to our political institutions. 

The first settlers of the town of Hempstead were indepen- 
dents, and had successively settled two congregational minis- 



r 65 

ters. They had ^appropriated lands for the support of the 
Gospel which those ministers had enjoyed, and had erected a 
house for public worship in which they had officiated. 

Mr. Hobart, tie last of those ministers, had left the town 
about the year ifOG, and the people were some years without 
a minister of any denomination 

The new generation that had sprung up since the first set- 
tlement of the town, seem to have had no predilection for the 
peculiar tenets of their ancestors. 

- In 1701, some of the inhabitants petitioned the society for 
the propagation of the Gospel in foreign parts, to send thera 
a minister. 

In 1704, the Rev. John Thomas arrived among them as a 
missionary from the said society. 

Mr. Thomas immediately commenced his ministerial labors 
at that place, and continued there during his life time. 

Mr. Thomas died in 1724, and was succeeded by the Rev. 
Thomas Jenny, with v/hom the regular records of the church 
commence. 

Mr. Thomas and his successor performed their ministerial 
duties in a house which had been erected for the use of the 
congregational ministers, without opposition or complaint. 

It would seem that most of the people were in a short time 
reconciled to the discipline, rites, and ceremonies, of the Epis- 
copal church, by the zeal and prudence of Mr, Thomas and 
Mr. Jenny. 

The public lands being under the control of the majority 
of the people, as soon as they joined the Episcopal church, 
fell into the hands of the Episcopal ministers. 

In 1734, they erected a new church, and the next year a 
royal charter was obtained, whereby the freeholders and in- 
habitants of said town who were in communion with the church 
of England were incorporated, and constituted a parish by 
the atcsm " name and style of St. George's church, Hemp- 
stead," and whereby the house then built, together with half 
an acre of common land on which it stood, and on which the 
present parsonage house now stands, were granted to thera. 

In 1S03, a house for public worship was erected by the 
Episcopalians in North-Hempstead, and w^s consecrated by 
the name and style of Christ church, but they continued in 
union with the people of Hempstead till 1819, when they be- 
came a separate and distinct congregation. 

The introduction of the Episcopal church in Jamaica was 
attended with more difficulty. 



5G 

The people of Jamaica were sllU generally Presbyterians 
or Independents. 

In 1076, they set apart a tract of land and meadow for a 
parsonage, which they voted should continue " at the dispo- 
sal of the town." 

In 1700, they erected a stone edifice for public worship by 
eubscripilon, without restricting the use of it to any partic- 
ular denomination. 

In 1702, Governor Cornbur}^ in consequence of a great 
sickness in New-York, removed to Jamaica ; and to accom- 
modate him, Mr. Hubbard, the Presbyterian minister gave up 
to him the use of the parsonage house while he remained 
there. 

During the time the Governor was at Jamaica, the Episco- 
palians got possession of the meeting house, and refused the 
use of it to the Presbyterians, and the Governor on his return 
to New-York gave them possession of the parsonage house. 

The Presbyterians were anxious to regain tlie property 
which they considered had been unjustly wrested from tliem, 
and the Episcopalian? were determined to retain what they 
supposed the law would protect them in holding.* 

These conflicting claims continued to interrupt the harmc- 
ry of the town nearly thirty years. After much heat and con- 
troversy, and several unsuccessful law suits, the Episcopalians 
abandoned the contest, and in 1735 erected a house themselves 
for public worship, which in 1761 was incorporated by Lieu- 
tenant Governor Cdden, by the name and style of Grace 
Church. In 1737, when the seats of the new church were 
disposed of, the congregation consisted of twenty-four fami- 
lies. 

This unpleasant contest, so contrary to the catholic spirit 
that now characterizes the diflerent denominations of christians, 
is to be ascribed to the temper of the times, and was probably 
fostered if not excited by the bigotry of the GovernaK.' 

* In 1099, the people of Jaraaicn appointed certain persons to circulate a subscrip- 
tion to see what people would freely K've towards buildjng a new meeting house. 

February 6th, 1710, the town appointed three men to demand the key of the stone 
meeting house, fropi the person in whose possession it was, and to keep the house for 

the town. . r ., 

April, 1723, the town appointed three men to take possession of the town parsonage 
lot and other land connected with it, until the town should recall it. 

January 2d, 1725, after stating that Mr. Foyer, the Episcopal minister, Iiad failed in 
several ejectment suits, whicli he had brought against the tenants of the parsonage 
land, the town voted that the same should be delivered into the possession of Robert 
Cross, their Mini.'ter. Mr. Foyer, Justice OldGcld and Richard Combs, entered their 
protest against the said vote. 

February 2tjth, 1727, the town assigned the stone meeting house and the land on 
which it stood, then in the occupution of Mr. Thomas Foyer, to three of the surviving 
trustees who built it, to take possession of it for the town.— Extracts from (he town re 
cords. 



St. George's church at Flushing, and St. James' Church at 
Newtown, were built shortly after the one at Jamaica, and the 
same minister officiated one third of the time in each, until the 
year 1797. 

In 1796, Newtown separated from the other towns, and em- 
ployed JMr. Van Dyke as their minister. 

In 1802, Newtown and Flushing united in the settlement 
of a minister, and in 1812, they separated, since which time 
each town has had its own minister. 

The several Episcopal churches on the Island were erected 
at the times, and consecrated by the names and titles following : 
In Brookhaven, Caroline Church, 1730 

In Hempstead, St. George's Church, 1734 

In Jamaica, Grace Church, do. 

Ill Newtown, St. James' Church, do. } or shorly 

In Flushing, St. George's Church, do. 3 after. 

In Huntington, St. John's Church, 17^4, or thereabouts, 

In Brooklyn, St. Ann's Church, 17S5%7 

In North Hempstead, Christ Church, 1803 

Some of these Churches have undergone repairs, and seve- 
ral of them have been rebuilt. New and elegant churches 
were erected in Hempstead and Jamaica in 1822, and in 
Brooklyn in 1824. 



A list of the first E])iscopa.l Ministers and their successors, in 
the several towns on the Island as far as the same could he pro- 
cured : 



■ 




\'"heni '^ 1 a 


"RF 




Is'ames. 


Where 


2;rddu 


2 


S' 


mov- 


Remarks. 




educated. 


lied. 




a. 


ed. 




Hempstead. 














John Thomas,* 


Europe, 




1701 


1724 




•* Missionaries from 


Thomas Jenny,* 






1 72.'J 




1742 


Society for propagat- 


Samuel Seabiiry, 


Harvard, 


1721 


nil 


1764 




i ng the Gospel. 


Iieonard Culling, 


Pembroke, 


17.34 


17a 




1784 




Thomas L. Moore, 


Columbia, 




178;. 


1799 






John H. Hobart, 


Nassau, 


I -no 


IdOO 




1800 


Bishop of IV. Yort. 


Seth Hart, 


Yale, 


1784 


IHQ.i 








Jamaica. 














Thomas Poyer, 


Europe, 




1710 


1731 




Missionary. 


Thomas Colgan, 


do 




173'J 


1755 




do 


Samuel Seabury, jun. 


Yale, 


1748 


1756 




1765 


Bishop of Connecticut 


Joshua Bloomer, 


Columbia, 


1761 


1766 




1790 




AVilliam Haramel, 






nv.o 




1795 




Charles Seabury, 






1795 




1796 




Elijah D. Rattone, 


iVassati, 


1787 


1797 




1802 




Calvin ^Vhitc, 


Yale, 


I73fi 


1803 




180.1 


t 


George Strebcck, 






180' 




1305 


) Sk months each. 


Andrew Fowler, 


Harvard, 


1783 


1806 




1806 


) 


John Ireland, 


England, 




1807 




1807 




Edmund I). Barry, 


Columbia, 


180J 


1808 




1809 


^ One year eagh. 


Timothy Clowe», 


do 


1808 


IK09 




1810 


( 


(iilbQrt Q. Sayre?, 


do 


.1808 


1810 









58 



Newtown. 
Van Dyke, 



Abraham L. Cbrke, 
William Wyatt, 
Evan M. Jolinson, 

Flushing. 
Abraham L. Clarke,* 
Baizilai Bulkley, 
John V. E. Thorne, 

HONTIKGTOX, 

.lames Greaton, 
Edward K. Fowler, 

Brookfiaven. 
Mr. Standard, 
Alexander Campbell, 
Isaac Brown, 
James Lyon, 
Andrew Fowler, 

Sands, 

Burges, 

Charles Seabury, 

ISLIP 

Thomas L. Moore, 

Brooklyn. 
George Wright, 
Mr. Doty, 
Samuel Nesbit, 
John Ireland, 
Henry I. Feltus, 
John P. K. Henshaw, 
Hugh Smith, 
Henry U- Onderdonk,* 



Vale, 

[Columbia, 
I Brown Univer 

Yale, 

Union, 

Vale, 



England, 

Ireland, 
Harvard, 



Ireland, 

Scotland, 
England, 
Ireland, 
Middlebury, 
Columbia, 
do. 





irPT 




\ ..','. 


1^0. 


1312 


0; 


• '.Vi 




icO. 


lol4 




1785 


1812 


1812 


1811 


1820 




1754 


1767 
1824 

1725 
1729 


1773 


\1^ 


1733 
1747 


178t, 


1783 


1737 

1814 

1781 

1787 
1793 
179.0 
1798 
Ib07 




1803 


1814 




1813 


1817 




18^0 


181P 





1802 



1747 
1788 



178; 

1792 

1795 

1797 

1806 

1814 

181 

1819 

1827 



* Preached at New- 
town and Flushing, 



The church served by 
upplies. 



Removed to Newark 



Served by supplies. 



upplled by Ministers 
of Brookhaven. 



* Removed to Philad. 



A brief account of some of the first Episcopal Ministers thai 
settled on hong-Island. 

The first Episcopal Ministers who settled on the Island, as 
was before stated, were missionaries sent over by the society 
for the propagation of the Gospel in foreign parts, and were 
supported atthe expense of the said society, i liey were born 
and educated in Great Britain or Ireland, and wne generally 
well educated men. 

The first Episcopal Church on the Island was established at 
Hempstead — and the first Episcopal minister who settled on 
the Island, was the Rev. John Thomas, who was sent as a 
missionary to this country at the solicitation of the people of 
Hempstead. 

Mr. Thomas arrived at Hempstead in 1704. He found very 
few persons among the inhabitants who were acquainted with 
the discipline, rites and ceremonies of the Episcopal Church. 
He found the children without the means of education, and 
the state of society such as is usually the result of the want of 
public instruction and an established ministry. 

* In some cases, the time of settlement and removal of the above ministers has been 
inserted on verbal information, and may not be exact. 

In most instances the facts are taken from records, and in cases where the records 
furnished no information, or were not to be procured, pains have been taken to get as 
correct information as possible. 



59 

Mr. Thomas had to encounter the difScult task of uniting a 
mixed and discordant population into one society, and of re- 
ducing them to order and regularity. 

Hv^ immediately set about organizing a church, and intro- 
ducing order and attention to religious duties. 

In 1713, at his solicitation, the society for propagating the 
gospel, made a grant of £10 a year for the purpose of aiding 
the establishment of a school and support of a competent 
teacher, for which the vestry returned them their thanks, 

Mr. Thomas seems to have been laborious and successful in 
liis efforts to meliorate the condition of the town. 

In 1720, he informed the society that within eighteen months 
he had baptized one hundred and sixty persons, many of whom 
were adults. 

Mr. Thomas continued at Hempstead till his death. He 
died in 1724; 

The Rev. Thomas Jenny succeeded Mr. Thomas in 1725, 
and continued in that church till 1742, when he removed from 
there Little is known of the character of Mr, Jenny. 

Tlie Rev. Samuel Seabury succeeded Mr. Jenny in 1742. 
Mr. Seabury graduated at Harvard College in 1724, and 
shortly afterwards settled as a congregational minister atGro- 
ton, in Connecticut. After some time spent in that station, he 
became a convert to the discipline, rites and forms of the 
Episcopal church, and resigned his charge. He soon after 
joined the Episcopal CJhurch, took the necessary steps to ob- 
tain orders, and was appointed to preach in New-London, 
April 10th, 1732. Mr. Seabury left New-London, and came 
to Long-Island and settled at Hempstead in 1742. He con- 
tinu. d at Hempstead till his death in 1764. 

Mr. Seabury was a popular preacher, and contributed to 
strengthen and extend the influence of the Episcopal Church 
in that part of the coinitry. 

The Rev. Thomas Poyer arrived at Jamaica in 1710, as a 
missionary from the society for propagating the gospel in 
foreign parts, and was the second Episcopal clergyman who 
settled on Long-Island. He found the town distracted with a 
controversy between the Episcopalians and Presbyterians re- 
specting the legitimate ownership of the lands which had been 
set apart for the support of the gospel in that town, and of the 
building that had been erected in 1700, by a general subscrip- 
tion, for public worship. These had been seized by the Epis- 
copalians in 1702, for their exclusire use, and their right to 
them was vigorously contested by the Presbyterians who at 
that time constituted much the most numerous proportion of 
the inhabitants. 



ao 

Mr. Poyer, probably under the impression that the Episco- 
pal Church in the colonies was entitled to the same ascend«ncy 
over dissenters as in England, joined the Episcopalians, and 
became their organ in their controversies with the Presby- 
terians. 

This controversy disturbed the harmony of the town during 
the lifetime of Mr. Poyer, and was calculated to diminish the 
beneficial effects of the sacred function. 

Mr. Poyer was strongly attached to the church, and had he 
not been unhappily entangled with this controversy, he might 
Jiave contributed probably essentially to her increase and ex- 
tension. He died in 1731. 

The Rev. Thomas Colgan succeeded Mr. Poyer in 1732. 
Mr. Colgan was also a missionary from the society for pro- 
pagating the gospel in foreign parts. He arrived at Jamaica 
in 1732, about the time the Episcopalians relinquished the 
struggle for the church and parsonage land in that town, and 
were directing their efforts to the erection of a church of their 
own, which they completed in 1734. 

The Episcopalians in Newtown and Flushing about the 
same time or shortly after, erected churches in those parishes. 
Mr. Colgan, freed from the distracting cares which had en- 
grossed his predecessor, was left at liberty to devote his whole 
time to his ministerial duties. Mr. (Colgan continued in the 
charge of the three parishes till his death in 1755. 

The Rev. Samuel Seabury, jun. first bishop of the Episco- 
pal Church in the United States, and bishop of Connecticut, 
succeeded Mr. Colgan in 1756, Mr. Seabury was the son 
of the Rev. Samuel Seabury of Hempstead. He was born in 
1728, and graduated at Yale College in 1748. He shortly after 
visited Scotland with a view of studying physic, but soon 
turned his attention to divinity. He went from thence to Lon- 
don, and was admitted to the order of deacon and priest in 
1753. On his return, Mr. Seabury preached two or three 
years at Brunswick, in New-Jersey. In 1756 he removed 
from that place and settled at Jamaica on Long-Island. In 
1765 he left Jamaica and settled at Westchester, in which 
place he continued until the Revolutionary War, when he re- 
tired to New- York ; after the return of peace he settled at New- 
London. In 1784 he went to England for consecration as 
bishop of Connecticut. In consequence of the occurrence of 
some difficulties (not of a personal nature) to the accomplish- 
ment of his wishes, lie went to Scotland, and was consecrated 
by three nonjuring bishops. On his return he fixed his 
residence at New-London, where he continued in the faithful 



CI 

discharge of the duties of his elevated function, till his death 
in 1796. 

Bishop Seabury was held in high estimation — he was 
warmly attached to the interests of the church, of which he 
was an ornament, and was indefatigable in his exertions to 
extend its limits, and to add to its reputation and influence. 

The. bishop published a few detached discourses, and two 
volumes of sermons in his life time, and another volume was 
published after his death. 

Within forty years past, there have been a number of Me- 
thodist societies formed on the island, but the number is not 
exactly known. 

There are a number of parishes in the several towns, and 
there are several congregational societies in the eastern part of 
Suffolk county, but the number and names of the ministers are 
not ascertained. 

The Friends formed societies in Flushing and Oysterbay at 
an early period of those settlements, which have increased and 
form a large proportion of the population of those towns, but 
the number of the societies is not known. 

' There are a number of Baptists scattered about the island, 
but no organized societies are known, except at Oysterbay and 
Brooklyn. 

Of the several tribes of Indians on Long-Island. 

When the first settlements were made on the island by the 
Dutch and English, it appears, from the original Indian 
deeds, that the principal tribes that occupied it, were as 
follows : — 

The Canarse, the Rockaway, the Merikoke, the Marsa- 
peague, the Secatague, and the Patchague, on the south side— — 
the Matinecoc, the Nissaquague, the Satauket, and the Cor- 
chaug, on the north side ; the Shinecoc, the Manhanset and the 
Montauk, from the Canoe Place to Montauk point. 

The Canarse appears to have been the only tribe, or the 
only tribe of any consequence, in Kings county. This tribe 
claimed the chief part of the lands in Kings county, and a 
part of the lands in Jamaica. 

The Kockaway tribe claimed the territory around Rocka- 
way, and more or less of tlie lands in Newtown and Jamaica, 

The Merikoke and Marsapeague tribes extended from 
Rockaway through Queens county into Suffolk, on the south 
side of the island. 

The territory of the Matinecoc tribe extended from 
Flushing through Queens county to Fresh Pond in Suffolk, oa 
the north side. 



The Nissaquague tribe extended from Fresh Pond to Stony- 
brook. 

The Satauket tribe claimed from Stony brook to the 
Wading river. 

The Corchaug tribe extended from the Wading river thro' 
South Old on ihe north side. 

The territory of the Manhanset tribe was Shelter-Island. 

The territory of the Secataug tribe adjoined that of the 
Marsapeagues and extended to Patchogue. 

The territory of the Patchogue tribe extended to South 
Hampton. 

The Shinecoc tribe extended from the Canoe Place to 
Montauk, and that peninsula was the seat of the Montauk 
tribe. 

There are one or two other tribes named in the old records, 
but the place they occupied cannot be ascertained, and it is 
evident from that circumstance, that they must have been very 
small, perhaps the mere remnants of tribes which had been 
destroyed in their wars. 

Those above enumerated are the principal tribes that occu- 
pied the island when the Fnglish and Dutch commenced 
their settlements there, and the original purchases of the 
several towns were made of these tribes. 

The Indian settlements were all on the bays, creeks, and 
harbors on the north and south sides of the island, and their 
territories were divided from each other by the middle of the 
island. 

At the time of the first settlement of the island, the whole 
Indian population was considerable, but by no means as great 
as the facilities of subsistence would liave authorized us to 
expect, nor as great as it probably had formerly been. 

The shell banks which indicate the sites of their villages, 
on the western half of the island, are large and numerous, 
and beds of shells of some size or other are found at intervals 
of a few miles all around the margin of the island. From 
these it would seem that the population of some parts of the 
island was once very numerous, or- must have been stationary 
there a long time.* 

The stale of the Indian population must be ascribed to 
their perpetual wars, by which they had been diminislied. 

All savage nations are addicted to war. The causes of war 

* The shell banks in the western towns of Suffolk county are mucli larger and more 
numerous than in the eastern towns, where shell fish are as abundant . which proves 
that the western part of the island had been the longest settled, and that the lodiaa 
emigration proceeded from west to cast. 



63 

among them are numerous, and the mode of carrying it on 
destructive to their numbers. 

It appears that Long-Island had been overrun by hostile 
tribes, and many of the natives must have been destroyed by 
them. 

Of the political state of the Indians. 

The confederacy of the five nations extended their con- 
quests as far south as Manhattan Island, and had passed over 
to the west end of Long-Island, and subdued the Canarse 
Indians. 

There is a tradition among the Dutch, that at the time of 
the first settlement of the island, the Canar?e tribe paid the 
Mohawks an annual tribute of wampum and dried clams, and 
that they discontinued the payment of it on the persuasion of 
the whites, in consequence of which a party of the conquerers 
came and destroyed the whole tribe, except a few who hap- 
pened to be from home. 

Some writers have supposed that the conquest of the Mo- 
hawks extended to tiie whole island, but there is no tradition 
to support it, and it is believed that the conquest never extend- 
ed beyond the territories of the Canarse Indians. 

This may have been owing to the fact, that all the other 
Indians were in subjection to the Pequots. It is well known 
that this tribe never was subdued by the five nations, and it 
would have been a violation of their rules of warfare, to have 
turned their arms against a tributary people, when they had 
not subdued the power that held them in subjection. 

ihe Montauks ha'l probably been the most warlike tribe 
on Loiig-Islaiid, had o\errun the other tribes on the island 
east of the Canarse territory, and had reduced them to some 
kind of subjection. 

At the time of the first settlement of the island, the Montauk 
sachem claimed and exercised some kind of sovreignty over 
the whole territory, and it is stated that he justified his claim 
before the governor and council in virtue of a former conquest 
of the country. *In 1659, he conveyed the territory which 
constitutes the town of Smithtown, then occupied by the Nis- 
saquague Indians, to Lyon Gardiner. 

* It is a little uncertain what was the general ludian name of Long- Island. In seve- 
ral old deeds liie Montauk chief is styled the sachem of ' Paumanacke,or Long-Island.' 
Hubbard, in his history of New-England, states that at t!ie time of the grant to the 
Earl of Stirling in I6:i5, it was called by the Indians Mattanwake, and in the patent 
to the Duke of ^ ork in IC64, it is called Meitowax. It is believed that the nanie 
given by Hubbard was the general Indian rune for the island. 

By a statute parsed April 10th, 1C93, ii /..is enacted that the isl.iud should be called 
Nassau, and should be so styled in all legal proceeding's, which has never beeu repeal- 
ed, but has by general coaseat beeo suffered to become obsolete. 



64 

It was under abelief of his superiority over the ciiiefs of the 
other tribes, thai the first settlers were anxious to have their 
purchase deeds signed by that chief, as well as by the sachem 
of the tribe of whom the land was purchased. 

The confirmation deed of Hempstead in 1657, the deed for 
Lloyd's neck, and others, are executed in this manner, and in 
some of the original deeds the Montauk chief is styled the 
sachem of Long-Island. 

The superiority ascribed to the chief of that tribe after the 
settlement of the country, might have arisen in part from the 
distinction conferred on him or recognized by the commis- 
sioners of the united colonies. 

In 1651 It is stated in some of our early records, that they 
constituted one who is supposed to have been the Montauk 
chief, grand sachem of the Long-Island Indians. 

It is probable that the commissioners only recognized or 
confirmed an authority with which they found him invested. 

It is evident from the early writers of New-England, that 
the *Pequots, who occupied the country around New-London, 
and was the most warlike tribe in Connecticut, had subdued 
the Montauks with their tributaries, and that at the time of the 
first settlement of New-England, the Long-Island Indians 
were in subjection to the Pequots, and paid them a tribute. 
The victory over the Montauks involved the subjection of all 
the tribes that were under them, and the conquest of the Pe- 
quots must have embraced all the tribes on the island east of 
the Canarse territory. 

In 1637, the New-England colonies made war on the Pe- 
quots, to avenge the murders and other hostile aggressions 
which they had committed on the whites, and subdued and 
dispersed the whole tribe. The Long-Island Indians who had 
been subject to the Pequots, immediately repaired to the 
Jinglish to make their peace with them Winthrop, in his 
Journal, states that on the reduction of the Pequots in 1637, 
*' sachems from Long-island came voluntarily and brought a 
tribute to us of twenty fathom of wampum each of them " 

From this time they seem to have considered themselves to 
be in subjection to the English, and to have paid them tribute, 
perhaps the same they had paid the Pequots. In 1644 they 
applied to the commissioners for some evidence of their rela- 

*" Tlie Pequois were a %'ery warlike and potent people about 40 years since, (1624), 
at which time they were in their meridian. Their chief sachem held dominion over 
divers petty sagamores, as over part of Loiv^- Island, over the Mohegans, and over thR 
sagamores of Quinapak, yea over all the people that dwelt on Connecticut river, and 
over some of the lyost southerly iubabitants of the IVipmuck country about Quinabaug." 

GoOKlyS lIlSTOEV. 



65 

tion to th^m, and the commissioners gave them a certificate 
in writing, in effc ct promising them secnrity from injury by 
the English, and all others in friendship with them; at which 
time they assured the commissioners " that they had been 
tributaries to the English ever since the Pequot war. and that 
they had never injured the English or Dutch, but had been 
friendly to both," which implied that they had been subject to 
the Pequots and followed their fate. 

In ICjO, the commissioners sent Captain Mason to Long- 
Island to require payment of the tribute due fro.n tiie In- 
dians there, and to settle a way in which it might be punctu- 
ally discharged in future. 

In 1656, the Montauk chief visited the commissioners at 
Boston, and in answer to an inquiry whether he had paid the 
tribute due from him stated that he had paid it at Hartford 
for the space of ten years, and ihat it was in arrear for the 
four last years, which they remitted in consideration of his 
distressed condition by the late war in which he had been en- 
gaged wiili the Narragansetts.* 

in 1653, Ninnigrate, the thief of the Nehantic Indians, who 
were either a tribe of the Narragansetts or closely connected 
with them, made war on the Long-Island Indians, which last- 
ed several years, and reduced them to great extremity. He 
invaded the territory of the Montauks, and would ha\c extir- 
pated the whole tribe, if they had not found protection in the 
humanity of the people of East Hampton. 

They were obliged to abandon their villages, and to flee for 
refuge to East Hampton, where they were kindly received, 
sustained, and protected. The\ continued to reside in that 
town for several years, before they deemed it safe to return to 
Montauk. 

in 1655, Mr. Thomas James, the minister of East Hamp- 
ton, and others, wrote to the comiTiissioners and informed 
them that the Indians on the island must submit themselves 
and their country to the Narragansetts, unless they should 
speedily have some assistance. 

* It is not easy, at tl)is distance of time, to perceive the justice of the imposition of 
this tribute imposed on the Montauks, who, with a fe^s- exceptiousof individuals of mis- 
chievous disposition, appear to have been uniformly friently and faithful to the 
English. In IGJO the I'equots remonstrated against the tribute exacted of them, and 
inquired wliy it was imposed, and how long it was to continue, and whether their 
children unborn were to be subject to it. In answer to tliese ino.uiries the commission- 
ers st.ited that it was imposed in 1037 '<>•" the murders tliey hnd committed, and which 
they had agreed to pay. Tliey agreed, however, to remit all that wa.^ in arrear, and 
that it should only contiriue ten years longer, during which time it was exacted. 
It is not probable (hat the tribute was continued longer on the Montauks than on the 
Pequots, 3l^'. the only cause of its imposition seems to have been their former subjec- 
tion to that tribe, and that it probably ceased to be exacted in relation to both tribes 
after 16G0. 

9 



66 

The commissioners sent military supplies to the towns of 
East Hampton and South Hampton, and to the Indians. 
They stationed an armed vessel in the sound under the com- 
mand of Captain John Youngs, with orders to stave Ninni- 
grate's canoes, and to destroy his forces if he attempted to pass 
over to the island. 

The commissioners also pave orders, that in case the enemy 
should pursue the Indians within two miles of any of the set- 
tlements, the inhabitants should immediately repair to their 
assistance. During the same season they sent a small force 
against Ninnigrate, which was rendered ineffectual by the 
mismanagement of the officer who was entrusted with the 
command. 

In 1656, Massachusetts declined further aid in suppressing 
the war of Ninnigrate against the Montauks, and the whole 
burden of their defence devolved on the colonies of ( onnecti- 
cut and New-Haven. They generously continued ( aptain 
Youngs with his vessel on the same station that year at their 
sole expense, and the war seems not to have ceased until the 
end of the year 1656, or perhaps some time in 1657. 

In one of their enterprizes, the Narragansetts, among others, 
took the daughter of Wyandance, the chief sachem, prisoner, 
who was ransomed by the aid of Lyon Gardiner, the first pro- 
prietor of Gardiner's Island, in gratitude for which, the chief, 
in 1659, presented him with a deed for the territory which 
now forms the town of Smith Town - 

* Lyon Gardiner was a Scotchman, and had served as a Lieutenant in the British 
army iu the low countries; he came over in 1635, and erected the fort at Saybrook, 
under lords Say and Seal, Brooke, and otliers, and had the command of the garrison 
Mntil the fall of 1639, when lie removed to the island that has since been called after 
him, which he had purchased of the native proprietors, and was confirmed to him by a 
deed from James Farret, " deputy of the Right Honorable the Earl of Stirling, Secre- 
tary of the Kingdom of Scotland," bearing date the lOUi of March, ltj39. 

Lyon Gardiner's son David, born at Saybrook 29th April, 1636, is.'supposed to 
have been the first wlilte child born in the bounds of Connecticut, and his daughter 
Elizabeth, born on the Island, September I4th, 1641, may have been the first English 
child born witliin the territory of New-York. Lieutenant Gardiner carried several 
families with him to the island, probably for security, as they removed to East Hamp- 
ton as soon as that town was settled. 

He seems to have been in high estimation both with the English and Indians. 

Wyandance, in 16.09, presented him a deed for tlie territory which now forms the 
town of Smith Town, in gratitude for the favors he had received from him. He re- 
moved to East Hampton, in 165.0, and was frequently, if not uniformly, choten to the 
magistracy of that town till his death in 1663. 

Gardiner's Island, which at the time of the death of Lyon Gardiner, in IGG3, was 
appraised at "QQl now pays about one sixtli part of the taxes of East Hampton. The 
island contains 3000 acres, of which 600 are refuse, and about the year 1800 maintained 
on an average yearly : 

In Winter, 2C0, and in Summer, 340 head of neat cattle, 
do. 60 do. 80 horses, 

do. 40 do. 60 swine, 

do. 1500 flo. 2L'0O sheep. 



67 

These various and successive p^neral wars, with such as 
may have taken place between separate tribes, must have con- 
tributed greatly to reduce their numbers, and to render the 
whole island much less populous than it would otherwise 
have been at the time of the first settlement of the country. 

Of all the tribes that were found on Long-Island, there 
remain only a few families of iMontauks and Shinecocs. with 
a few scattering ones, at different places on the south side of 
the island. * 

Of the state of Society among the Indians. 

The Indians on Long-Island raised corn and vegetables, 
and these with the deer, wild fowl, and various kinds of shell 
fish and other fish that abounded on the Island, must have af- 
forded them easy and ample means of subsistence; yetjnot- 
withstanding these advantages, they still continued in tlje hun- 
ter state, and had made no advances in the arts, which are 
usually first cultivated in the infancy of society. They^were 
not distinguished by their dwellings, their clothing, their do- 
mestic utensils, or weapons of war, from the natives [of the 
interior. 

Except their canoes, of which those that belonged to the 
chiefs, were very large, and their arrow-heads, which were cu- 
riously wrought out of tlie iiardest stone ; the only materials 
of art among them, seem to have been some rude vessels of 
earth hardened in the fire, and these are sometimes found in 
their shell banks. 

There was at that time commonly raised on the island yearly, 

50 acres of wheat yielding about 17 bushels per acre. 
25 acres of Indian corn, do. 35 bushels per acre. 
15 do. of oats, do. 30 do. 

10 do. of flax, do. 8 bushels seed per acre. 

It yielded about 250 tons of Englisliand 100 tons of meadow iiay, and employed on 
an average, winter and summer, about sixteen hands. 

This island has continued entire in the same family, and the present owner, David 
Johnson Gardiner, is the eighth owner, a id seventh lineal descendant from Lyon Gar- 
diner. 

The celebrated pirate Kid called at this island on his way to Boston, when he 
returned from his cruise in 1699, and deposited there a box of gold, silver, and pre- 
cious" stones, under tiie charge and at the risk of the then owner, an account of which 
was found among his papers when he was taken up at Boston, and tlie box was delivered 
to the commissioners who were appointed to secure his treasures. — See appendix. 

* At the first settlement of the island, the Montaulcs were considerably numerous ; 
their numbers were diminished by their war with Ninnigrate, in 1655, and by emigra- 
tion from time to time to the Indian settlements on tTie main shore. In 1761 they 
amouDted to tliirtj -eight families, and to I9v! souls ; subsequent to that time, the tribe 
was still further reduced by the emigration of a number with Sampson Occum and other 
Indians to Brothertown, in 1 786. They do not at present exceed half a dozea familiej, 
DOT amouat to more thao thirty souls. 



68 

The Indians on Long- Island seem to have abounded in 
wampum, the Indian substitute for money. It was made out 
ofthe shells of different species of shell fish, of the size of beads, 
and perforated like them. The beads were black or blue, 
and whitej and the black were double the value ofthe white, 
and this fact clearly shews that some standard of value is es- 
sential to social intercourse in the rudest state of society.* 

The Dutch and English both, either from necessity or con- 
venience, resorted to the use of this Indian money, arid the 
value of it was fixed either by law or custom. In the early 
stages of the settlements, three black beads or six white ones 
passed for a penn}'. 

Belts made of wampum were exchanged at the treaties be- 
tween different tribes, as symbols to perpetuate the memory of 
the transaction. 

The same causes that diminished the numbers and prevent- 
ed the increase ofthe Indians, coutr-buted to retard their pro- 
gress in improvement and civilization. 

The religious noiioiis of the Long-Island Indians, are pre- 
served in a communication of Sampson Occum, an Indian 
minister, which is published among the collections ofthe his- 
torical society ofMassachusetts. 

They had a plurality of^Gods, but believed in one great 
and good being, who bad the control over all the rest. They 
believed in an evil spirit, and had iheii- conjurers or pawaws. 
They believed in a future state of existence, and that there 
would be a distinction according to their behaviour here. 

They made sacrifices tc their Gods, and performed such 
other acts of worship, as are common among the Indians in 
general. 

Their conjurers were said to have intercourse with the evil 
spirit, and by the Duke's laws of 1665, it was enacted " that 
110 Indian should be suffered to pawaw or perform worship to 
the devil in any town within the government. 

The language of the Montauk Indians is supposed to have 
been the common language of all the Long-island Indians, 
and differed but little from thatof theNarraganset, the Massa- 
chusetts, and other New-England tribes.f 

• The Indians upon Long-Island seem to have abounded in this article. Winthrop 
inliis journal Elates, that Masfacliusetts in 10:34, s<?nt tlie bark Blessing, which ap- 
pears to have been the first vessel that was built in that colony, to Long-Ifland ; and 
that the Indians there had " store ofthe best wanipnra, while and blue, and canoes 
that would carry 80 men." 

y It is supposed that there were only two original Indian languages in the United 
States, north of the Roanoake : the Delaware and the Iroquiois. The languges of the 
different tribes of Ktw-England, and most of the Indian tribes from the Mississippi to 
IS'ova Scotia, are only different dialects of the Delaware language. 

The struclme of the Indian languages is different from tiiat of all kuown languages, 



09 



Of the measures adopted to preserve peace with the Indians, 

The Indians on Long- Island, seem to have been less trou- 
blesome to the whites, than those north of thesonnd. 

ancient or modern ; and there is a great analogy in this respect, between those that 
are radically distinct. 

The Indian langucges have no substantive verb, and have uo distinction of genders. 
The nouns are not varied to distinguish between male and female, but between animate 
and inanimate things. They admit of prefixes and suffixes, and sometimes blend seve- 
ral words together, so as to make a whole sentence of a single long word. 

These languages are made up of these couihin.iliont; not only pronouns but adjec- 
tives, conjunctions, and adverbs, are combined with tiie verb, and produce a great va- 
riety of forms of expression, and render them peculiarly copious and expressive. 

The following Indian words are taken from a manuscript of the late John Lyon Gar- 
dirie.-, Esq. deceased, who took them down from the lips of^he IMoutauk Chief, and 
is the only specimen of the language that could be obtained 
Massakeat muad great good spirit 
Machees cund evil spirit 
Saunchera king 

Seaunskq queen nucquit one 

AVonnux whiteman neeze two 

WonnVixk white woman nisk three 

Inchun an Indian yuaw four 

Wewauclium Indian corn nepaw five 

Mausqueseets beaus conma six 

Ausgoote pumpkins nusus seven 

Quauhaug a round clam swans eight 

Suxawaug aiongclam passecucond nine 

Tobaugsk tobacco pyunck ten 

Clieaganan a hatchet cheesk small 

Niep water chiauk large 

Keagh or cage land weegan good 

Mashuee a canoe muttadeaio bad 

Mahaweeskt a little child wedaums roast corn 

Yunks quash young woman cut daus boiled coru 

Squashees little girl seaump pounded corn 

Weenai old woman yeokeheag roast corn pounded 

Massakeat Mund sumana Inshun wewachum.— Great spirit give Indian corn. 
At the time the above words were taken down, there were no more than seven per- 
Eons among them who could speak the language, and it may u w be considered as ex- 
tinct. 

From the following table exhibiting the same words in the Massachusetts, Narragan- 
set and Montauk languages, it is evident that they are all kindred languages, and that 





niiii very uuie vana 


lion, me same ciiaie 


:ci. 




Massachusetts 


Narraganset 


Montauk 


one 


IVequit 


Nequit 


IS'ucquit 


two 


IVecse 


Neese 


Neese 


three 


Kisk 


Nisk 


Nisk 


four 


Yau 


Yoh 


Yuaw 


five 


Nepanna 


Nepanua 


Nepaw 


six 


Negutta 


Qutta 


Conma 


seven 


IVesausuk 


Euada 


IVusus 


eight 


Shwosuk 


Showsuck 


Swans 


niac 


Paskoogun 


Paskugit 


Passecucond 


ten 


Piuk 


Piuck 


Pyunck 


king 




Sachem 


■Saunchem 


qnetn 




Sauiiki! 


Seaunskq 


corn 




Ewachim 


AVewauchuni 


land 


Ohkc 


Auke 


Keagh or eagc 


water 


Kippe 




Kcip 


canoe 




Mishoon 


Mashuee 


a girl 




Squasesc 


Squasliees 


young womtin 


Pfunksqaa 




Yunk Squtsh 


old woman 




Weinse 


Weenai 



\ 



70 

It does not appear that they ever formed any general com- 
bination against the first settlers, or materially interrupted the 
progress of their improvements The records of that period, 
furnish no account of any jxeneral war against the Long-Island 
Indians, by the Dutch or English 

There is no reason to believe that this exemption from In- 
dian hostilities was owing to a better disposition or milder 
character of the natives of the Inland. Individuals and small 
parties were sometimes troublesome to the settlers. 

In 1649, a murder was perpetrated at South Hampton, and 
the town was greatly alarmed at the hostile appearance of the 
Indians for several days, and several murders were committed 
in the Dutch towns in 1652. 

The towns were frequently jealous of them. 

In 1645, the town of South Hampton ordered one half of 
their military company to bring their arms to meeting with 
them every Lord's Day alternately for some time. 

In 1651, the town of East Hampton ordered the inhabitants 
to bring their arms with them on the Lord's Day, under the 
penalty of 12d. for every neglect, and other towns are said to 
have done the like. 

The Indians sometimes committed depredations on the pro- 
perty of the whites. 

In 1657, they did considerable damage to the people of 
South Hampton, and in 1681, four Indians plundered a store 
in Huntington, and threatesjed the lives of the family.* The 
first settlers in every part of the Island, vvere in the practice 
of guarding their cattlef which run at large, and it might have 
been to prevent the depredations of the Indians, as well as to 
guard them against injuries from wild beasts and other acci- 
dents. 

* In 1657, the Montauks committed depredations, and burnt a number of houses at 
South Hampton, and the people were obliged to betake themselves to their arms and 
stand on their own defence. Capt. Mason crossed the Sound to quell the disturbance, 
and imposed a fine of 7QQI. on tlie Indians as a remuneration for the damages, and as 
a punishment for the aggres.sion. 

The chief sent a messenger to the Commissioners, and alledged that the damage was 
occasioned by a mischievous Indian, who had since destroyed himself and a negro wo- 
man, and prayed that he might be relieved from the fine, which was referred to the 
general court of Connecticut. 

f In Johnson's " Wonder Working Providence," it is stated that wlien the English 
first commenced their settlements on Long-Island, "the Indians did much annoy their 
cattle with the multitude of dogs tliey kept which ordinarily were young wolves brought 
up tame, continuing of a very ravening nature." 

Wolves were abundant upon the Island In the account of the committee coneisting 
of a commissioner from each town for adjusting the expenses of the county of kJuflblk, 
November 10, 1685, the item for wolves was 431. los. Killed as follows : In East 
Hampton 16, South Hampton 3, South Old 1, Brookhaven2, Smith 'lown 6, and ill 
Hmitingtou 15 j in all -IS young and old killed; during the year preceding. 



71 

The sernrity of the whites must be ascribed to the means 
they employed to preserve peace with the Indians. 

The EncrUsh and tlie Dnich both endeavored to secure un- 
interrupted peace with the Indians by Ireaty. 

The reception of the Indians on the east end of the Island, 
under the protection of the Commissioners of the United colo- 
nies in 1644, and their subsequent appointment of the Mon- 
lauk chief grand sachem of the Long-Island Indians, must 
have augmented the influence which he before possessed over 
more or less of the Indian tribes on the Island, and must have 
enabled and disposed him to curb any disposition manifested 
by them to annoy or interrupt the whites. 

In 1643, the year before the Dutch war with the Indians 
north of the sound the Dutch Governor made a treaty with 
Pennowits, sacliem as is supposed of the Matinecock Indians. 

In 1656, the Dutch Governor made a treaty with Tacka- 
paushatlie sachem of the Marsapeague Indians, and the repre- 
sentative of five other tribes. 

Thus the Dutch on the west end, and the English on the 
east end of the Island, maintained a constant friendship with 
the natives in their respective neighborhoods, and while they 
were friendly with each other, the Indians from one end 
of the Island to the other were friendly with both.* 

* Considerable exertions were very early made to instruct the Long-Island Indians, 
particularly those of the Moutauk tribe, iu the principles of the Christian reli- 
gion. 

It is supposed some efforts to this effect were made by the Rev. Abraham PiersOD, 
during the three or four years he continued at South Hampton. 

Mr. James, the first minister of East Hampton, was the first who was regularly em- 
ployed in this business. The following item is found in the accounts of the society 
for propagating the gospel in New- England for 1662, to wit : " to Mr. James of East 
Hampton, his salary for instruiHing the Indi.ins at Long-Island, 201." It is not knowa 
how long Mr. James was employed in this business, nor whether he was succeeded by 
any one until the mission of Mr. Horton. 

In 1741. the Commissioners of the sanie society employed Azariah Horton as a mis- 
sionary among the Ijong- Island Indians ; and under his labours there was a great re- 
formation among them Taey ihen renounced their ilols, and 'in the course of two or 
three years it is said tiiat he baptiii'd Ihiry five adults md ibrty five children ; religion 
however afterwards declined among them, and the mission was given up in 1'5:<." 

In 1755, or thereabouts, Sampson Occum, an Indian of theMoliegan tribe in Connec- 
ticut, was employed t» kee,ia school among them, and afterwards to instruct them in 
religion til) 1761. 

^■o otlier missionary was regularly employed among these Indians, until about ISOd, 
when Paul CulTee, a Long-Island Indian, was employed as a religous instructor among 
them by the missionary society ofNew-Vork. Paul continued his labours among 
them till his death He died March 7th, 13 1_', aged 55 years. 

Sampson Occum was born in 1723, was educ ited by Mr. Wlieelock of Lebanon and 
Mr. Pomeroy of Hebron. A weakness in his eyes prevented his going to college ; 
about 1755, lie went to Montauk and established a sciiool among the Indians. In the 
Spring of 1758, he was licenced to preach by the Association of Windham county, 
Connecticut, and on the 29lh August 1759, he was ordained to the ministry by the 
Presbytery of Suffolk county, with a view to send him as a missionary among the 
southern Indians. This plan being defeated by a war between the whites and the 
Chcrokees, he remained the most of his time between his ordination and the Sprin'^ of 



Both the English and the Dutch on Long-Island, respected 
the rights of the Indians, and no land was taken up by the 
several towns, or by individuals, until it had been fairly pur- 
chased of the chiefs of the tribe who claimed it. 

The consideration yiven for the land was inconsiderable in 
value, and usually consisted of different articles of clothing, 
implements of hunting and fishing, domestic utensils, and per- 
sonal ornaments ; but appears to have been such in all cases 
as was deemed satisfactory by the Indians.* 

1761 with the Montauks. He then i-nsjajied in a mission to llie Oneidas. and con- 
tinued with tljem until 176.^, when he accoinpanipcl Mr. Whittaker to Europe to solicit 
funds lor the Indinn charity school. Thev reumined there two or three years, and col- 
lected upwards oi #.)000 lor that charitj- in Euglanil and Scotl.nd. 

The Rev. Samuel buell gives his character as a preacher, in a letter to the Rev. 
David Bostwii-k, of New-V ork, dated May 9th, 1701, he says, " as ;< preacher of the 
gospel, he seems always to have in view fjie end of the ministry the glory of Cod and 
the salvation of men ; iiis manuer ol expression when he preaches to the Indians is 
vastly more natural and free, cleat and eloquent, quick and powerful than when lie 
preaches to others He is the glory of the Indian nation." (t is added by another 
hand, that '• wliile in England he was an object of much attention -. he preached in tlie 
crowded chapels of London, and even occupied tlie j nlpit of Whitfield witi acceptance. 

In March 1768, he returned .:nd re^umed his missionary labour? among the Indians 
in Connecticut, and in J78ti he renioved with the Indians under his care, consisting of 
the Mohegaus and the remnants of some other tribes, to Oneida, in the state ©f New 
York, and settled on a tract of land given ihem by tlie Oneida tribe for that purpose, 
which from tlie union of difft- rent tribes that formed the settlement, they called Bro- 
thertown. 

Mr. Occum continued in tlie charge of the Brothertown Indian? until within a fe\7 
years of his death. He died at New Stockbridge in Oneida county, in July 17'J2, 
aged 69 years, 

* The first purchase of Huntington in 1653, comprized nearly six miles square ; the 
consideration paid to the Indians, consisted of six coats, six bottles, six hatcliets, six 
shovels, ten knives, six fathom wampum, thirty muxes and thirty needles. 

The first pure I. ;se of East Hampton, embraced about 30720 acres, and the articles 
gi»'en in payment consisted of twenty coats, twenty-four looking glasses, twenty-four 
hoes, twenty-four hatchets, twenty-four knives and one hundred muxes. 

The first purchase of Oysterbay, embraced upwards of; 0000 acres, for wliich the first 
purchasers gave six Indian coats, six kettles, six fathom of wampum, six hoes, six 
hatchets, three pair stockings, thirty awl blades or muxes, twenty knives, three shirts, 
peag-ue 41. sterling. 

The decrease of the Indians is sometimes represented as if the wliites wereblameable 
for purchasing their lands. The decay of their numbers is a consequence of the .settle- 
ment of tlie country by an agricultural people — the improvement of the country must 
diminish the game, lessen the means of their support, and drive them into the interior 
with the wild beasts that furnish their sustenance, while they retain the character of 
hunters. Providence certainly never designed that the earth should be kept desolate 
by erratic nations, but should be so used as to afford support to the greatest number of 
liuman beings. 

The United States as the British government formerly did, permit the Indians with- 
lu the limits of their political jurisdiction, to retain their own customs, to choose their 
own rulers, to make treaties and preserve their relations with each other. They are 
not subject to our laws, and are not required to perform tlie duties of citizens ; they 
are suffered to retain their independence, subject to our protection and control, so far 
only as their own welfare and the public safety require. 

The government concedes to them the riglit of occupation, and claims the right of 
soil or ultimate domain. It suffers no advantage to be taken of ilie necessities or im- 
becility of individuals, by tlie fraud or avarice of our own citizens. 

An Indian territory belongs to the tribe or nation, and cannot be sold by individuals. 
The alienation of their territory is a national act, and can only be done by treaty. 
The extinguishment of Indian claims therefore is an act of sovereignty, and no purchase 
Diade^by an unauthorized individual is of any validity, nor was any purchase ever con- 
sidered as legal from tlie first settlement of the country, which was made without autho- 
rity, until it was confirmed by patent or some other act of government. 



78 

Both powers endeavored to prevent the evils which usually 
result from theuseof spirituous liquors by the Indians. 

The Dutch Governor in 1643, and the English Governor 
in 1665, prohibited the sale of spirituous liquors to them. 

In 1656, the town of Jamaica imposed a fine of 30 guilders 
on any one who should sell strong drink to an Indian. 

The number and character of the Indians rendered it pru- 
dent for the first settlers to guard against surprise, and to be 
prepared to resist any attack by them. The several towns 
required every man to furnish himself with arms and ammuni- 
tion, and to assemble at an appointed place in case of an 
alarm. In some of the English towns, a block house or small 
fort was erected as a place of security in time of danger. 

The people ofGravesend in the infancy of their settlement, 
inclosed their village with palisadoes. 

The Dutch Governor in 1645, and the English Governor 
in 1665, forbid the sale of arms and ammunition to the In- 
dians. 

In 1641, the town of South Hampton resolved that if any 
one should sell any warlike implements to the Indians, he 
should forfeit his whole personal efiects. In 1650, the towa 
of East Hampton resolved that whosoever should sell powder, 
lead or shot, sword or flint to any Indian, he should be liable 
to the penalty of 20s., and if any one should sell a gun or pis- 
tol to one, he should pay £10. 

It may have been partly in consequence of the destruction 
of their warriors, in their recent wars, and of their military 
spirit being broken by their subjectiim to succesive conquer- 
ors ; but it was principally by cultivating the friendship of 
the chiefs, and particularly of the grand sachem of the whole, 
by respecting their rights and treating them with uniform 
justice and kindness, by preventing excitement by artificial 
means, and by rendering success hopeless by withholding the 
means necessary to insure it, that the whites were exempted 
from any hostile combinations of the Long-Island Indians. 

In 1655, a large body of Indians consisting of 500 and up- 
wards, from Jersey and the north river, landed at New-Am- 
sterdam, where they were provoked into hostilities and did 
much injury. They then went to Staten-Island and commit- 
ted great havoc there, and a party of them passed over to 
Long-Island and threatened Gravesend, but retired without 
doing much injury. The fortifications of New Amsterdam, 
and of the villages in its vicinity, by enclosures of palisadoes, 
was to secure them against the same Indians, who from 1640 

10 



u 

to 1663 committed many acts of hostility on the Dutch settle- 
ments * 

That none of the Long-Tsland Indians were concerned in 
these depredations is evident from the admission in the Dutch 
records, that those Indians had originally no hostile designs 
against that place, but were then on their route to thp east 
end of Long-Tsland to make war on the indians there. 

This belief is corroborated by the fact, that in the treaty 
made at Hempstead, March 12th, 1656, with Tacapausha, the 
Governor stipulated not to make peace with those Indians 
who did the damage at Manhattan in September 1655, without 
including them, for which no other reason can be given than 
that they were the enemies of the Long-Island Indians. 

Of the Battle at Fori JVecJc. 

The only rencounter of any importance between the whites 
and the Indians on Long-Island, of which we have any ac- 
count from history or tradition, is one that took place at Fort 
Neck, on the south side, in Oysterbay, which seems to have 
been the principal seal of the Marsapeague Indians. 

The war in Europe, between the Dutch and English, 
which continued from 1652 to 1654, had an influence upon 
their respective colonists. 

In the spring of 1653, it was believed that the Dutch gov- 
ernment contemplated the expulsion of the English from the 

* The statement in the text ig supported by the authority of the Dutch records. 
August 1G40, several planters were massacred by them at Staten Island ; 1642 the 
Governor ordered an attack on the savages. 

February 26tb, 1643, the Governor complained of the insolence of the savages for 
two or three years past— that they came in droves of /»0, in sight of the fort — that they 
had taken horses, cows, hogs and geese, and had murdered seven persons and refused 
to give up the murderers, and ordeied preparations for an attack. 

In 1641, a general war was commenced with the savages north of the Sound and 
•^vest of the Connecticut settlements, which lasted till the summer of 1646, and was 
terminated by a great battle at Strickland's plain, in Horseneck, in which the Dutch 
with difficulty obtained the victory. 

September 5th, 1655, a body of Indians landed near the fort at New Amsterdam in 
64 canoes, consisting of more tlian 500 warriors, on an e.xpeditiou against the Indians on 
the East end of Long-Island. Some of them broke into an house which provoked 
an affray. The Indians were attacked by a detachment from the fort, and compelled 
to embark, but they continued in the neighborhood three days, killed fifty persons and 
took one hundred prisoners, burnt forty-eight liouses and destroyed cattle and did much 
damage. They then landed on Staten- Island, massacred si-^ty-seven persons, crossed 
the Narrows and surrounded Gravesend, which was relieved by aid from the city. 

February 7th, 1660, the Governor states that during liis administration of twelve 
yeara, upwards of twenty persons had been killed by the Indians. 

January 7t}i, 1663, the Governor complains that the Indians had killed eighteen 
persons and taken ten prisoners witliin a short time before that date, and had burnt 
and destroyed houses and other property, 

June 7th, 1663, the Indians attacked Esopus, burnt part of the town, killed and 
bounded a number of the iniiabitants, and took many of them prisoners. 



75' 

territories which they claimed, extending from the Delaware 
to C'oimectieut river, including the whole of Long-Island. 

A Dutch fleet was expected from Europe, and the Dutch 
governor was suspected of tampering with the Indians, to pro- 
cure their co-operation 

The Indians, in many places, suddenly began to manifest a 
hostile carriage towards the Engi^li. Several chiefs on Long- 
Island sent a messenger to ^aetford, to inform the English 
that they had been offered guns, swords, ammunition, and 
clothing, by the Dutch fiscal, or treasurer, if they would 
johr them to destroy the English. It seems also that grefet 
eflbrts were made, and in some cases with success, to induce 
them to renounce their grand sachem the IVJontauk chief, wiio 
was the unwavering friend of the English.- 

Captain John Underhiii, who had the principal command 
in the recent war of the Dutch with the Indians, and had ren- 
dered them essential service, had settled at Flushing, and ob- 
served the change in tlie chsposition of the Indians. He ob- 
tained from them the secret of the Dutch machinations to 
enlist the Indians against the English, and communicated the 
facts to the commissioners of the united colonies. 

In consequence of the disclosure of the intrigues of the 
Dutch treasurer with the Indians, by Captain Underbill, he 
was seized at Flushing by a guard of soldiers, and carried to 
New-Amsterdam, and confined until the case was examined, 
when the facts reported by him were proved by the testimony 
of the Indians, to be true. He was then coolly dismissed, 
and the treasurer was suflered to go without reproof or 
punishment. 

The English towns on the island, as well those which liad 
been settled under the Dutch as the English, were alarmed for 
their safety. 

March 26th, 1653, the town of East Hampton resolved 
that no person should sell any kind of provisions to the 
Inaians, " during the time of the neighbors' plantation being 
in this posture." 

* The Dutch Governor denied the existence of any such plan, or of any concert with 
the Indians ; and proposed that persons should be sent to examine into facts. Three 
persons were sent for this purpose, and he appointed three to act with them. The En- 
glish commissioners were not satisfied with two of the Diitcii commissioners, nor witli 
the manner in which the Governor required the testimony to be taken, and returned 
without accomplishing the object of their mission, or having tlieir suspicions dimin- 
ished. 

That such a plot was formed was firmly believed on Long Island at the time, nor can 
tlic change in the disposition of the Indians, and especially tLcir renunciation of the 
authority of the Montank chief, who was a warm friend of the English, be accounted 
for in any other way. The Dutch Governor may have been ignorant of the intrigues of 
the tiscal with the Indians, but that such intrigues took place can hardly be doubted by 
any one who will examine the evidence. 



76 

i^prll 15th, they ordered "that there should be a watch 
and ward, that two men should watch every night, and one 
to ward every day." 

April 2bth, they resolved " that no Indian should come to 
the town unless on special occasion, and that none should 
come armed, because that the Dutch have hired Indians against 
the English, and because the Indians have cast off their 
sachem." 

May 6th, they agreed to send to Connecticut for a firkin of 
powder, and shot equivalent, and ordered " that every man 
on any alarm, should appear forthwith at the meeting-house, 
and that no man should go from the town to work, or stay in 
another town, under the penalty of 40s. for every day's ab- 
sence." 

April 14th, 1653, the town of South Hampton passed a 
resolution, " that every male between 16 and 60 should watch 
and ward as occasion is, and that no one should sell any 
corn to the Indians, pending the war between the English and 
Indians. ^^ 

June 16th, they sent a messenger to Captain John Mason, 
at the mouth of Connecticut river, to procure a stock of 
ammunitiori. 

Captain Underbill,* early in the spring, wrote to the 
commissioners of the united colonies, to af^prize them of the 
designs of the Dutch, of their tampering with the Indians, and 
of the danger to which the English on Long-Island were 
exposed. 

* Captain John Underhill came from England to Massachusett? soon after the first 
Eettlenient of that colony. He had served as an officer in the British forces, in the low 
countries, in Ireland, and at Cadiz, and had a command in the wsir with tlie Pequots 
during the year 1637. He had some difficulty with the church at Boston, which 
seems to have been adjusted before he left that part of the country. 

After the termination of the Pequot war, he removed to Connecticut, and settled 
at Stamford. He was a delegate ft om that town to the general court at New-Haven, 
in 1643. and was appointed an assistant justice there. 

During that year he was sent for by the Dutch governor, to take a command in the 
war in which the Dutch were tlien engaged, or were about to commence, with the 
Indians situated north of the sound and west of the Connecticut settlements. This 
war lasted till the summer of 1646, and was terminated by a great battle at Strickland's 
Plain, in Horseneck, in which the Dutch with d'fficulty obtained the victory. 

It is supposed that Captain Underbill had the chief command under the Dutch 
governor in this war. and it is stated by Trumbull, in his history of Connecticut, that 
lie destroyed three hundred Indians north of the sound, and one hundred and twenty 
on Long-Island, who had crossed the sound in order to ravage and destroy the Dutch 
plantations there After the conclusion of the war, he settled at Flusliing, on the 
island. He discovered and disclosed the intrigues of the Dutch fiscal with the Indians, 
in order to detach them from the English, and to excite them to hostilities against 
them in 1653. 

On the refusal of the commissioners of the united colonies to embark in the war 
then subsisting between England and Holland, he applied to Rhode-Island, ■which 
colony had taken part with the mother country, for assistance. 



April 19tb, 1653, the commissioners of the united colonies, 
at a special meeting at Boston, took the state of the country 
into their consideration, and six of the eight were for embark- 
ing in the national quarrel with the Dutch, but were restrained 
by the refusal of Massachusetts, whose remoteness from the 
scene of danger rendered her insensible to the condition of 
her countrymen who were more exposed to the incursions of 
the enemy. 

The other colonies deemed the refusal to be a breach of the 
articles of tlieir union, and the dispute threatened the dissolu- 
tion of the confederacy. Massachusetts, however, after the 
danger was passed, ar)d she could do it without the risk of 
expense in men or money, relinquished her construction of 
the articles of union, and thus appeased her allies, whom she, 
on more than one occasion, treated with the like indignity* 

Captain Underbill probably, inimediately after he found 
that the commissioners were divided in opinion respecting the 
expediency of embarking in the war, wrote to the colony of 
Rhode-Island, where it is supposed that some if not most of 
the original inliabitants of Flusijing, and also some of the 
people of Oysterbay, had resided some time before their set- 
tlement in those towns, and where they probably had friends, 
to inform them of the danger to which they were exposed, 
and to solicit some assistance for their security. In conse- 
quence of this information, it seems a Mr. Dyer, with a few 
resolute men, voluntarily went to Flushing to aid them in 
case of an attack. The people of Rhode-Island had received 
letters from the council of state in England, investing them 
with discretionary power in relation to their taking part in 
the war against the Dutch, and they came to the resolution so 
far to embark in the support of the mother countr3', as to 
issue letters of mark and reprisal against the Dutch commerce 
on the high seas. 

On the 1 7th of May, 1653, the assembly of that colony 
took the application from Long-Island into consideration, 

He received a commission from that colony, with the aid of a small number of 
volunteer.-, autliorisiug iiim to act in defence of the English towns against any attack 
of the Dutch or Indians, and with regard to further hostilities, to act in conformity 
with such orders as the colony should prescribe. 

Under this commission lie made the attack on the Indians at or near Fort Neck, 
and took their fort, and thus contributed to arrest tiie defection of the Indians, to defeat 
the liostile designs of the Dutch against the English settlements, and to preserve tlic 
peace of the island. 

In 1665, he was a delegate from the town of Oysterbay, to the assembly held at 
Hempstead, by Governor iVicolls, and was appoin\ed by him under sheriff of the north 
riding of Yorkshire, or Uueens county. In 1667, t!;e Matinecoc Indians gave him a 
deeil lor 150 acres of land, which lias remained in the family ever since, and is now iii 
posses.^ion ol one of his descendants that bears his name. It is supposed that Captafn 
Underbill died at Oysterbay in 167^. 



78 

and generously agreed to afford them what help they could, 
to enable them to defend themselves against the Dutch, the 
enemies of the comn)on\veaith, or to make aggressions on them 
if the assembly should deem it necessary. 
' They also granted commissions to Captain John Underbill, 
William Dyer, and Edward Hall, to go against the Dutch, or 
any enemies of the commonwealth of England, and allowed 
them to take twenty volunteers out of the colony, with certain 
pieces of ordnance, subject to such orders as the assembly 
should prescribe. 

In the early part of May, the town of Hempstead sent 
Richard Gildersleve and Alexander Rhodes, and Newtown 
sent Robert Coe and Edward Jessup. to the commissioners of 
the united colonies, to apprise them of the danger with which 
they were threatened, to solicit a supply of arms and ammuni- 
tion, with the aid of a few men, or an officer capable of disci- 
plining their owu militia. 

May 23d, Captain Underbill wrote again to the commis- 
sioners, stated that all the English were in extreme danger, 
that he had sent for some small assistance from Rhode-Island 
to preserve things in safety, and informed tlem "that he had 
put his life in his hands to save English blood," and urged 
them in the most pressing manner to act with vigor. 

The application was again rendered ineffectual by the 
adherence of Massachusetts to her resolution to decline any 
interference in the national quarrel. 

The English towns were thus compelled to rely for their 
security upon their own resources, and such assistance as they 
had received from the disinterested friendship and patriotism 
of Rhode-Islai d. 

It does not appear that the Dutch ever made any attack 
upon the English towns, or that ( aptain Underbill and his 
companions were under any necessity of repelling any assaults 
of the Dutch. 

It seems, however, that the Dutch had neglected or were 
unable to allay the hostile temper of the Indians, which they 
had excited, and that it became necessary to make an example 
of such as were most forv.'ard in their meditated hostilities, in 
order to subdue the refractory spirit that prevailed among 
them. 

The public records furnish no further light on the subject, 
and we are compelled to resort to tradition to learn the result 
of the stale of things that then existed in relation to the 
English and Indians on Long-Island. 

The tradition is that a number of Indians, whose intentions 
were supposed to be hostile to the English, had collected at 



79 

or near Marsapeague, at which place they had a Ibrt, on a 
neck called from that period, in consideration of that circum- 
stance, Fort Neck, the remains of which are still very distinct, 
which they had constructed for their defence, or which had 
been erected on some former occasion for the like purpose.^ 
That Captain John Underhill led a party against them, 
attacked and destroyed a number of them, took the fort, and 
kept possession of it in order to prevent the re-union of the 
Indians, to watch their movements, and to guard the English 
settlements against their incursions. 

April 16th, 1663, the Dulch governor complained that 
Governor Winthrop had not, according to agreement, deliver- 
ed Fort Solomon, on Long-Island, to the Dutch. It is pre- 
sumed that Fort Solomon was the one on Fort Neck. It was 
in Oysterbay, to more or less of which the Dutch laid claim, 
and was the only fort in possession of the English within the 
territory which the Dutch pretended to claim. 

It is impossible, at this distance of time, to judge of the 
propriety or necessity of this attack upon the Indians. The 
measure may have been warranted by the state of things at 
the time, and may have saved the English settlements from 
massacre and devastation. 

It is probable that these Indians had been gained over by 
the intrigues of the Dutch, and had assembled in order to aid 
them in their projected enterprize against the English, and 
that the transaction took place in the summer of 1653. 

The project of the Dutch miscarried by their inability to 
unite the Indians in the scheme, by the defeat of the Dutch 
fleet in Europe, and by the subsequent peace. 

After the war, the colonists resumed their friendly relation?, 
but the impressions made on the minds of the English, by the 
sanguinary project of the Dutch government, were never 
effaced but by the conquest, in 1664. 

June 11th, 1666, the English Governor held a treaty at 
Hempstead with Takapausha, the Marsapeague sachem, and 
other tribes who had probably thrown off the authority of 
their grand sachem, and had united with the Dutch against 
the English, by which they made peace with the English and 
submitted to their government. 

We have no further account of any difficulty with the Long- 
Island Indians until the time of King Philip's war. This was 

* The fort is situated near the meadows, about the centre of the neck. Its form Is 
quadrangular, with an opening of about twelve feet wide at the south east angle. The 
ditch is now tliree feet deep, and the embankment as much as three feet above the 
level of the adjoiniog plain. It probably extends about ten rods one way, and six the 

other. 



80 

tiie most destructive Indian war in which the New-England 
colonies had ever been involved. It commenced in June, 
1675, and lasted till Aae^ust. 1676, and during its continuance 
was attended with great destruction of property and the loss 
of many valuable lives. 

From the proximity of Narragansett to Montauk, it was 
apprehended that the Long-Island Indians might be seduced 
by the Narragansets to aid then* in their hostilities against the 
whites. To prevent this the governor of New-York deter- 
mined to cutoff' all intercourse between them. 

December 13th, 1675, the governor ordered all the canoes 
east of Hell-Gate to be seized, and delivered to the constables, 
to be laid up and secured within three days, and also ordered 
that all such canoes as should be found in the sound after that 
time should be destroyed. 

This measure deprived the Indians of the means of crossing 
the sound, and effectually prevented their lending any as- 
sistance to the hostile Indians. 

Since that period, no danger seems to have been appre- 
hended from the Indians on Long-Island, and from that time 
they have gradually diminished and disappeared, till only a 
few families are left. 

Of the political condition of the several towns in the Dutch 
Territory on Long LI a id. 

The states general of the United Belgic Provinces, in their 
grant to the Dutch West India company', in 1621, reserved to 
themselves the power of commissioning the governor whom 
they should appoint. 

The object of this reservation was to connect the interests 
of the company with the mother country, and to secure the 
supreme control over the whole empire. 

The first governor mentioned in the Dutch records, is 
Wouter Van Twiller, who arrived at New-Amsterdam, now 
Kew-York, in June, 1629. 

It is intimated in a letter of Governor Kieft, that Peter Mi- 
nuit preceded Van Twiller, and very probably he was pre- 
ceded by others, either as commercial or political superinten- 
dents of the Dutch establishments. 

William Kieft succeeded Van Twiller in March, 1638, and 
he was succeeded by Peter Stuyvesant in May 1647, who 
continued in power till the conquest by the English, in 1664. 

All the powers of government, executive, legislative, and 
judicial, civil and ecclesiastical, were vested in the governor 
and council. 



81 

The governor, directly or indirectly, appointed all public 
officers, framed all tlie laws, and decided all important con- 
troversies, heard appeals from subordinate magistrates, and 
required them to send such cases as were pending before them, 
to the council, to be decided as he thought fit 

April 12ih, 1660, the governor ordered the magistrates of 
Rustdorpe, or Jamaica, to refer a certain cause then pending 
before them, to the council to be determined. 

April 26th, 1660. the magistrates of Middleburgh, or New- 
Town, were ordered to do the same. 

The gov^ernor ordered churches to be built — he installed 
ministers, and directed where and when they should preach, 
and he excluded such from teaching, whose tenets he did not 
approve. 

The governor had the sole prerogative over the public 
lands. — The Indian title was extinguished by him, or by in- 
dividuals with his consent. 

The governor granted such lands as had been purchased of 
the Indians, to individuals or companies for settlement. These 
grants were generally, if not uniformly, made subject to a 
reservation or quit-rent of one tenth of the produce, to become 
payable ten years after the date of tiie grant. 

From the complaints of the delegates who met in 1653, to 
lay their grievances before the governor and council, it ap- 
pears that the governor exercised his prerogative in a capri- 
cious manner, sometimes refusing lands to settlers, and at 
other times making large grants to favorites. 

Of the Dutch Towns. 

It appears that the Dutch towns were settled by the casual 
concurrence of individuals, without any previous regulations 
relative to their organization or the administration of justice 
among them. Nor does it appear that they entered into any 
bond of union among themselves for self government. 

In the infancy of the settlements, the governor appointed 
magistrates in the several villages, with more or less power as 
he judged proper, without any uniformity as to their number 
or title of office. 

Ill 1660, on a petition of the inhabitants of New-Utrecht, 
the governor appointed a scout or constable, a secretary, and 
an assessor, with power to divide the land that was held in 
common, by lot among the proprietors — to see that the fields 
were fenced — to open a common street through the village-— 
to erect a bloc^ house in the centre, with a mill in it, and a 

U 



82 

well by it, at the common expense, and to decide all differ- 
ences, and to do as all other subaltern village courts are 
accustomed to do. 

From this it appears that the first magistrates in the several 
villages, had full power to regulate the police, and provide for 
the security of the village. 

After the settlers had become more numerous, and the 
towns were enlarged, they were permitted to choose their own 
magistrates, subject to the approbation of the governor. It 
would also seem that the powers of the magistrates were then 
enlarged, but were not defined by any general law, and were 
in a great measure discretionary. 

In 1646, Brooklyn was permitted to choose two magis- 
trates, who were authorized " to give judgment in all events 
as they should deem proper, not contrary to the charter of 
New-Netherland ;" and to give complete effect to their autho- 
rity, the governor ordered that if any one disobeyed the de- 
cision of the magistrates, he should forfeit his right to the 
lands within the village.* 

In 1661, the governor enlarged the powers of the magis- 
trates, or rather established a new court with larger and more 
definite powers than he had before granted. The magistrates 
who were chosen and allowed for this court, were authorised 
to decide all controversies between master and servant, master 
and apprentice, buyer and seller, landlord and tenant, and 
also to take cognizance of breaches of the peace, and other 
misdemeanors. 

The Dutch courts proceeded (According to the rules of the 
civil law, which was the Dutch common law. 

The Dutch towns seem to have been governed principally 
by the ordinances of police enjoined by their magistrates. 

Of the English Towns under the Dutch. 

The English who settled the towns of Hempstead, Graves- 
end, Flushing, Jamaica, and Newtown, became Dutch sub- 
jects, and were permitted to hold land, enjoy liberty of con- 
science, and to choose their own magistrates, subject to the 
approbation of the governor. 

Hempstead and Gravesend were incorporated towns, and 
were authorized to choose their own magistrates, who were to 
be presented to the governor for his approbation, and also a 
scout and clerk. 

*Tli5s privilege seems not to Lave been extended to any other town, from which it is 
presumed that ao other town was at that time bo populous as to require them. 



83 

The magistrates were vested with power to hold courts, 
civil and criminal, with a limited jurisdiction, and to make 
ordinances for the welfare and good government of the towns 
respectively. 

Flushing was also partiall}' incorporated, but was by its 
charter only authorized to elect a scout or constable with 
power to preserve good order, heal diflerences, and report all 
cases of importance to the governor. It is probable that the 
people of Flushing were afterwards indulged with the power 
of choosing magistrates like the other towns. 

Jamaica and Newtown were permitted to choose their own 
magistrates, subject to the confirmation of the governor. It 
was the practice in these, if not in all the English towns, 
to choose double the number to which they were entitled, out 
of which the governor named those that should serve. 

In all the English towns, the people chose a certain num- 
ber of men, whom they called townsmen, to superintend the 
civil concerns of the town for which they were elected. They 
co-operated with the magistrates in the incorporated towns, 
and in the other towns made all such regulations as they 
judged beneficial to the town ; (except such as related to the 
admission of settlers, and the graniing of lands,) which were 
to be submitted to the people in town-meeting for them to 
confirm or annul.* 

It is probable the courts in the English towns for some 
time decided without a jury; but towards the latter part of 
the time they were under the Dutch, they seem, in one town 
at least, to have made an eflbrt to adopt the principles of the 
common law. 

December 1st, 1663, the town of Jamaica resolved, in town 
meeting, that the magistrates of that town should proceed 
•' according to the laws of England, as near as they could." 

The English towns under the Dutch government, seem to 
have been governed principally by the ordinances of their 
townsmen, and the acts made at their town meetings, 

* Tlic power of the townsmen seems to have extended to all such regiiladona as 
related to the police of the towns — they prescribed rules for the making and repairing 
of fences — they regulated the time wlien the cattle should be turned into the coramoa 
fields and taken out, and prescribed the rules by which tiie herdsmen were to be 
governed. March I7th, I(J59, the magistrates of Hempstead resolved " to stand by 
and bear out the townsmen in giving effect to all such rules and orders at they should 
make for the good of the town, that year, except such as relate to the admission of 
inhabitants and the granting of land." — These last two powers were la all the towns 
reserved as the sole prerogative of the whole people in town meeting. 

It was usual for the magistrates of Hempstead, after every election, at least for a 
series of years, to adopt similar resolutions. 



84 

Of the tyranny and imhecility of the Dutch Government. 

It seems that the governor sported with the rights of the 
people, by wantonly rejecting such magistrates as they had 
chosen, merely to gratify his humor or caprice This arbi- 
trary exercise of authority was deemed an abuse of power, 
and was reprobated both by the magistrates and the people. 

It would also seem that the government was not suited to 
the wishes nor adequate to the protection of the people. The 
laws were not adapted to the state of society, nor equal to the 
exigencies of the times, or were badly executed — and the 
governor and council were incompetent or indisposed to 
remedy the evils ; and there was a great defect in the ad- 
ministration of justice. 

Public insecurity produced general discontent; the people 
beeeme dissatisfied with the existing state of things, and lan- 
guished for the blessings of good government. 

They at length determined to lay their grievances before 
the governor and council. 

On an invitation of the burgomasters of New-Amsterdam, 
a convention of delegates from several towns met in that cityo 
November 26th, 1653, and adjourned to the 11th of December 
ensuing, when delegates appeared from the city, Brooklyn, 
Flatbush, Flatlands, Gravesend, Newtown, Flushing, and 
Hempstead. 

They agreed on a remonstrance to the governor and coun- 
cil on the subject of their grievances, which was well drawn, 
and expressed in spirited, but decent language. 

They remonstrated against the exclusion of the people from 
all share in legislation — against the operation of old and ob- 
solete laws — against withholding grants of land to settlers, 
and making extravagant grants to particular individuals — 
against the appointment of magistrates without the consent of 
the people, and against the neglect of efiectual provision for 
the defence of the country. 

To this the governor and council gave no answer to the 
deputies, but entered a reply on their minutes, denied the 
right of some of the towns, particularly Brooklyn, Flatbush, 
and Flatlands, to send deputies, and protested against the 
meeting. 

In their observations on the remonstrance, the governor and 
council reflect much on the English as the authors of the 
public discontent, and particularly on George Baxter, one of 
the deputies from the town of Gravesend, to whom they evi- 
dently impute the draught of the remonstrance. 



85 

December 13th, the deputies presented another remon- 
strance in which they declare, that if they could not obtaia 
redress or proteiuion from the governor and council, they 
must appeal to their superiors in the Netherlands. This so 
irritated the governor, that he ordered them to disperse aud 
forbid their assembling again. 

At this period, tlie country seems to have been overrun with 
robbers, aud that there was no adequate authority to redress 
the evil. 

April 7th, 1654, die magistrates of Brooklyn, Flatbush and 
Flallands, united in forming a military company against 
*• robbers, and pirates." and agreed that there should be a 
sergeant in each village. 

April 8th, 1654, the governor issued a proclamation 
against certain robbers, who ('as he states,) had been banished 
from New-England, and were wandering about on Long- 
Island. 

In 1654, the governor refused to confirm the election of 
George Baxter and James Hubbard, who had been chosen 
magistrates that year for the town of Gravesend. 

These two men were among the original patentees of the 
town, had been frequently chosen magistrates, and had uni- 
formly enjoyed the confidence of their fellow citizens.* 

The rejection or removal of these magistrates, excited so 
great a ferment in Gravesend, that the Governor thought it 
necessary to go there to appease it. November 23d, 1654, the 
governor went to Gravesend, and to effect his purpose, he was 
obliged to avail himself of the influence of Lady Moody, a 
connection of Sir Henry Moody, one of the original patentees. 
He conceded the nomination of the magistrates that year to 
her ; and her popularity reconciled the people to the mea- 
sure, and produced submission to the arbitrary act of the 
governor. 

* George Baxter had been an ensign, and James Hubbard a sergeant in the British 
service, and are so named in the charter of Gravesend. — They both seem to have 
been men of considerable capacity, and were generally entrusted with the manage- 
ment of the public affairs of that town. 

Baxter seems to have been a man of talents and education. — In 1642, Governor 
Kieft, appointed him his English secretary to write his letters, with a salary of 250 
guilders a year, in consideration of his talents and knowledge of the English lan- 
guage and of the law. — He was appointed by Governor Stuyvesant himself, one of the 
commissioners who negotiated tlie treaty of Hartford, in 1650, by which the boundary 
between the Dutch and English territories was established. — He was one of the depu- 
ties to the convention that met in 165:J, to lay the grievances of the country before 
the governor and council, and it was to him that the governor ascribed the .<>pirited 
remonstrance which gave him such oflence, which probably was the cause of his re- 
jection, and that of his colleague with whom he had long been intimately associated. 

Baxter had been educated in the principles of English liberty, and could not endure 
the tyranny of the Duteli governor; his opposition to it made him the victim of his 
persecution, and it is supposed that he was obliged to leave the colony to escape bis 
resentment. 



86 

November 1st, 1663, the governor, under the apprehension 
that it was the design of the English to invade the Dutch ter- 
ritories, convened a meeting of the magistrates of most of 
the Dutch villages at New Amsterdam. The meeting was 
composed of the magistrates of New Amsterdam, Rensselaer- 
wick, Beverwick, Harlaem, Bergen, Staten-lsland, Flatlands, 
Flatbush, Brooklyn, Utrecht and Bushwick. 

This convention after hearing what the governor had to 
communicate, adjourned without doing any thing. 

The government had become unpopular ; the Dutch were 
disgusted with it, and the English were anxious for a change. 
: The English towns under the Dutch jurisdiction, had for 
some time determined to withdraw themselves from the Dutch 
government. They had held a meeting at Hempsfead the pre- 
ceding winter, and had agreed to put themselves under the 
jurisdiction of Connecticut ; in consequence of which, the 
general assembly of that colony, March iOth, 1663, appoint- 
ed two commissioners, " to go to Long-Island, to settle the 
government on the west end of the Island, according to the 
agreement at Hempstead, in February last." 

In November, 1663, the English embodied at Jamaica, in 
such force, that the governor did not deem it prudent to at- 
tempt to disperse them. 

The colony continued in this perplexed and unsettled state, 
till the ensuing year, when the English vessels arrived, and 
on the 27th August, Old Style, 1664, a treaty was signed, by 
which the colony of New-Neiherland was surrendered to the 
crown of Great-Britain. 

Of iJie English Government after the Conquest, till the Ameri^ 
can revolution. 

I. Of the government of the Duke of York, and after he 
had ascended the throne, till the revolution. 

II. Of the revolution in the Colony in 1689. 

III. Of the colony government after the revolution. 

I. By the conquest, the whole of Long-Island was incorpo- 
rated with the colony of New-York, and became subject to 
the Duke of York. 

The English towns which had been subject to the Dutch, re- 
joiced that they were freed from their Subjection to a go- 
vernment which they disliked, and the other English towns 
rejoiced that they were relieved from all further apprehen- 
sions, from the jealousy and ambition of a foreign power in 
their neighbourhood. 



87 

The eastern towns would have preferred the continuance of 
their connection with the colony of Connecticut, and reluc- 
tantly submitted to its dissolution. 

All the English towns, as well those that had been set- 
tled under the Dutch, as those that had been connected with 
Connecticut, flattered themselves with the expectation that 
they should be admitted to the common privilege of British 
subjects, of participating in the formation of the laws by 
which they were to be governed. 

It was not long, however, before they discovered that they 
had been too sanguine in their expectations. 

Richard Nicolls, the deputy governor, under the Duke of 
York, on the first of March, 1665, convened a meeting at 
Hempstead, of two deputies from every town on the Island, 
and two from Westchester, lor the purpose of organizing the 
government, of adjusting interfering purchases, and settling 
the limits of the several towns.* 

At this meeting, it is presumed that Long-Island and Sta- 
ten Island, and probably the town of Westchester were erected 
into a shire, by the name of Yorkshire, which was divided into 
three ridings. 

Staten Island and Newtown, with the several towns in 
Kings county, formed the west riding — the towns of Jamaica, 
Flushing, Hempstead, Oysterbay, and as is supposed, West- 
chester, formed the North Riding, and the several towns in 
Suflblk formed the East Riding.f 

The several towns were recognized, and were required to 
take out patents from the governv)r for the lands which they 
had purchased within their limits. 

The governor appointed a high sheriff for the whole shire, 
and a deputy sheriff or high constable for each riding, and a 
justice of the peace for each town. 

The high sherifl'and deput}' sherifls were appointed yearly. 
The justices of the peace were appointed during pleasure. In 

* While at this meeting, the deputies signed an address to the Duke of York, full 
of gratitude and loyalty, which as soon as their constituents found that they were not 
to have the choice of their own magistrates, nor any share in legislation was severely 
reprobated, and the deputies were so much censured for putting their signatures to it, 
that it was deemed necessary to check the spirit of disaffection by authority. — The 
court of assize in October 1666, resolved that " whosoever hereafter, shall any ways 
detract or speak against any of the deputies signing the address to his Royal High- 
ness, at the general meeting at Hempstead, they shall be presented to the next court 
of sessions, and if the justices shall see cause, they shall from ihence be bound over to 
the assizes, there to answer for the slander upon plaint or information. 

f By an order of the governor and court of assize, in 1675, Staten Island was de- 
tached from Long-Island, and permitted " to have a jurisdiction itself," and in 1683, 
•was erected into a separate county. Newtown continued attached to Kings county, 
until the organization of the counties by the first general assembly, in 1683, when it 
■was niadt a part of Quecus county. 



88 

1666, the oflice of under sheriff or high constable was abolish- 
ed In 1683, the office of high sheriff was done away, and a 
sheriff was ordered to be appointed in each county. 

At this meeting, the governor promulgated a code of 
laws, which were principally compiled from the laws of the 
other English colonies, and which he had caused to be col- 
lected and digested for the government of this colony.* 

These laws with the alterations and additions made to them 
from time to time, by the governor and council, contin- 
ued to be the laws of the colony until October 1683, when 
the first colony legislature met, and the people were admitted 
for a short^time, to a share in the legislative power. 

These laws which are called the Duke's laws, authorised the 
several towns annually on the first or second day of April, to 
elect a constable, and at first, eight, and by a subsequent 
amendment, four overseers, who were the assessors of the town, 
and with the constable were empowered to make regulations 
respecting matters which concerned the police and good go- 
vernment of the town. The constable and overseers were re- 
quired annuall}' to appoint two of the overseers to make the 
rate for building and repairing the church, for the mainten- 
ance of the minister, and for the support of the poor.f 

" This code of laws was evidently calculated principally for Yorkshire, comprehend- 
ing Long Island, Staten-Island, and probably the toivn of Westchester. New- York 
and Albany had some sort of municipal government. Exclusive of these, Long-Island, 
Staten Island, and Westchester, contained the chief part of the inhabitants of the 
colony in J665. No other county except Richmond, (which was detached from Long- 
Island in 1675) was organized until 1683. No magistrates attended the court of assize 
in 1682, north of New-York, hut from the towns of Albany and Esopus. 

In 1683, an estimate was taken of the property of the inhabitants ; and in 1684, a 
tax of 202?. lOs. was levied on the colony agreeable to the said estimate ; and if pro- 
perty was in proportion to numbers, will furnish some rule by which to estimate the 
population of the colony at that period. The proportions of the several counties were 
33 follows : 

New-York, 135 Suffolk, 135 

Albany, 27 10 Queens, 25 

Ulster, 25 Kings, 25 

Richmond, 15 

87 10 Westchester, 15 

115 

7 From the origin of the colony, each town was required to support its own poor- 
The money necessary for that purpose, was directed to be raised in each town respect- 
ively, by those who, from time to time, adjusted the contingent expenses of the several 
counties. By the Duke's laws of 1665, the constable and overseers were required to 
take charge of the poor. 

By the act of 1683, the commissioners of each town were required to perform the 
same service. 

By the act of 1601, the assessors and supervisor seem to have been required to per- 
form that duty, and this seems to have been the practice until overseers were authorised 
to be chosen for this purpose. 

In 1747, the several towns in Suffolk were authorised to choose overseers of the 
poor. Soonjafter, several other counties were authorized to do the same. 

March 8tb, 1773. — Every town in the colony was authorised to choose overseers oF 
the poor, and the EyEtem, which hag ever since prevailed for the support of the poor, 
vas adopted. 



From the overseers, the constable selected the jurors who 
attended the courts of sessions and assize. 

The principal courts established b_y these laws, were the 
town court — the court of sessions, and the court of assize. 

The town court was composed of the constable, and by an 
amendment of the original law, of two overseers ; and had 
cognizance of all causes ofdebt and trespass under five pounds, 
and the justice of the peace was authorized, but not required, 
to preside in this court. 

The court of sessions was established in each riding, and 
was to be held twice a year. It was composed of the justices 
of the peace of the several towns in the riding, each of whom 
was at first allowed £20 a year, which in 1666, was altered 
into an allowance for their expences.* 

This court had jurisdiction of allcriminal causes, and of all 
civil causes over £5, arising in the riding. Causes were tried 
in this court in civil cases, and in criminal cases not capital, 
by a jury of seven men, and the verdict was determined by the 
voice of a majority ; but in capital cases the jury con>isted of 
twelve men, and they were required to be unanimous. 

Thejudgment of this court for sums under £20, were final; 
from such as were for more than that sum, the parties might 
appeal to the court of assize. 

The members of the council, the secretary of the colony, 
and the high sheriff, were respectively authorized to sit with 
thejustices of the court of sessions, and when either of them 
was present, he was required to preside. The courts of ses- 
sions also took the proof of wills in the respective ridings.f 

* The records of this court, as originally constituted, and as re-organized by the 
act of 1683, are still to be found iu tlie clerks offices of Khigs, Queens, and Suffolk. 
In Kings there is a regular series of them from 1669 to 171 1 . From these records it 
appears to have been a common practice for the secretary of the colony, a member of 
the council, or the high sheriff, to sit and act in Court with the justices. In the record 
of the Court held at Gravesend, December llith, 1671, Mathias Nicoll, the secretary, 
is styled president of the Court. This court was held at Gravesend from its origin till 
1683, when it was removed to Flatbush by virtue of an act of the colonj legislature. 
There is also in the clerk's office of King's county, copies of most of the acts of the 6rst 
assembly, passed in 1683 and in 1634, with one or two, which were passed by the 
second assembly in 1683. 

7 By the Duke's laws, the court of sessions in each county took the proof of wills, 
■which was transmitted witli the wills to the " office of records" at New- York, and 
the executors received a copy thereof with a certificate of its being allowed, attested 
under the seal of the office. 

By an act of November 1 1 th, 1692, the power of taking the proof of wills, and of 
granting letters testamentory and letters of administration, was vested n the governor 
or a delegate appointed by him. In all the counties except New- York, Orange, Rich- 
mond, Kings and Westchester, the proof was permitted to be taken by the courts of 
commoa pleas, or by a judge and two justices out of court, and was transmitted to the 
governor ; on which letters testamentary, or of administration, were to be granted by 
him. It became the practice for the governor to appoint delegates in other counties 
who took the proof of wills and granted letters testamentary and letters of aduiiuigtra- 
tioa before the revolution. 

la 1773, by an act of the legislature of the state, purrogates were ordered to be ap- 
ppinted by the governor aad couflcil of appointment in every couutv, and uw preseu' 
syslcuj was csubijsbcfl. 



90 

The court of assize was composed of the governor, council, 
and the magistrates of the several towns, and was held once 
a year in the city of New-York. 

This court received, heard and determined appeals from 
the court of sessions and other inferior tribunals. 

Suits for demands above £20 might be commenced in this 
court on the warrant of the governor : so that it had original 
as well as appellate jurisdiction, and was a court of equity as 
well as common law.* 

Of the tyranny of the Duke's Government. 

The Duke's laws made no provision for a general assembly. 
The people had no voice in the government. 

The governor had unlimited power, executive legislative and 
judici^il. He was commander-in-chief. All public officers 
were appointed b} him, and most of them held their offices 
during his pleasure. 

The governor also, with the advice of the council, had the 
exclusive power of legislation, and could make what laws he 
pleased, and could alter and repeal them when he pleased. 

Some of the amendments to the original code, purport to 
have been made at the court of assize, of which the justices of 
the several towns formed a part. This was not a legislative 
but a judicial body, and the power of the justices, with regard 
to legislation, was probably like that of the parliament of 
France before the revolution, merely to register the edicts 
made by the governor and council. 

So far as they were permitted to interfere, the indulgence 
was calculated if not intended, to lessen the responsibility of 
the governor, without diminishing his power. 

It is certain that their presence or concurrence was not ne- 
cessary, and that the act imposing duties establishing an ex- 
cise, and many other important acts, were adopted by the go- 

*■ Smith, in his history of New-York, supposes this court was established byGor. 
Jwovelace. This is a great mistake : It was established by Nicolls in the code he had 
compiled for the government of the colony, and published iu tlie assembly at Hemp- 
stead, March 1st, 1685. In the fall of the same year, the three last days in September, 
and the second, third and fourth days in October, a general court of assize was holden 
at New-York, composed of Richard iNicolls, the governor, the members of the council, 
and the justices of the three ridings of Yorkshire, on Long-Island and Staten-lsland-t 

The number of justices who attended this court rendered it a grievance. In the act 
of 1684, passed for its repeal, it is alledged that it had " become a great charge and 
expanse to the province ; and by reason of the great number, not so tit and capable to 
hear and determine matters and causes of a civil nature, usually brought to the 6aid 
court ;" and it was for that reason abolished. 

The last Court of assize held under Sir Edmund Andross, October 6tb, 1680, was 
composed of the governor, five councillors, the mayor of New-York, five aldeiiBen and 
seventeenjustices. 



91 

Vernor in council, and not at the court of assize. The people 
never considered the justices as their representatives, and cen- 
sured the acts made at the court of assize, as rauch as others. 
The governor presided in the court of assize, 'vhich, by ap- 
peal, had the control of all inferior tribunals. Thejudgments 
and decrees of this court were probably such as the governor 
dictated ; his assistants not oeing colleagues, but merely advi- 
sers, who held their authority under him and were dependent 
on him 

In this court the governor united the character of both judge 
and legislator, lie interpreted his own acts, and not only 
pronounced what the law was, but what it should be. 

Of the public discontent. 

The people on Long- Island considered some of the laws 
established by the original code, a, arbitrary and oppressive ; 
and they deemed some that were made by Col. Lovelace, who 
commenced his administration in May 1667, as still more 
exceptionable. 

They at length resolved to represent their grievances to the 
governor and council, and to pray for redress. 

October 9th, 1669, the towns of Hempstead, Jamaica. Oys- 
terbay, Flushing, Newtown, Gravesend, VVestchester and 
East Chester, severally petitioned for redress. 

They enumerated the defects in the existing laws, which they 
wished to be remedied, stated the provisions which they wished 
to be adopted — remonstrated against »he restrictionswhich the 
governor had imposed on trade ; and reprobated, as the great- 
est of their grievances, the exclusion of the people from any 
share in legislation.* 

The governor and council received the petitions, granted 
some of their minor requests, but in the most important cases 
refused any redress. 

The town of Southampton was purchased and settled under 
the authority of the Earl of Stirling while he held the Island, 
which circumstance the people of that town supposed exempt- 

* la their petitions they refer to the proclamation issued to the people ;of Long- 
Island and others, by the commissioners, on their first landing at Gravesend, before 
the surrender of the colony, promising that they " should enjoy all such privileges as 
his majesty's other subjects in America enjoyed ;" the most important of which they 
alledge, is a participation in ilie power of making the laws by wliich they are to be 
governed, " by such depmies a? shall be yearly chosen by the freeholders of every 
town and parish ." and tliey claimed a fulfilment of that promise. 

They also complain of it as a grievance, that ai.y acts saould be made by the go- 
vernor under pretence of his secret instructions, and pray " to beiulbrmed what is re- 
quired of them by virtue of the commission granted by his Royal Highness the Duke 
of York." 



92 

eel them from the necessity of taking out a patent for tlieir 
lands, from the governor, as was required of other towns by 
the laws of 1665, and neglected to do it ; in consequence of 
which, the governor and council, at the court of assize, Octo- 
ber 8th, 1670, declared the titles to lands in that town invalid, 
unless a patent was obtained for them within a limited time. 

By another act made at the same time, a levy or contribu- 
tion was ordered to be made in the several towns on Long- 
Island, to repair the fort at New-York.* 

* The charges of the several tovrns and counties under the Duke of York, were de- 
frayed by a direct tax on the persons and estates real and personal of the inhabitants, 
according to an estimate made by the constable and overseers of the several towns, in 
conformity with certain rules prescribed by law. The rate for the public or county 
charge in each riding was fixed by the governor and council, by the amount of its esti- 
mate. A penny in the pound, was usually sufficient for the purpose. The tax was col- 
lected by the constables, and paid over to sue!) persons in the several towns as were 
•^ntitled to it on the warrant of the high sheriff. The town charges were fixed by 
the constable and overseers, and levied by the same estimate. Governor Lovelace, 
in 1670, and Governor Dunsjan in 1686 or 87, both attempted to raise money for colony 
purposes, by their own authority, but the attempt met with so much opposition, that it 
could not be carried into effect. 

The colony charges were paid out of the monies arising from duties imposed by the 
governor and council, on exports and imports. In the fall of 1664, Governor NicoIIs 
established a tariff of duties on goods exported to the Netherlands ; and shortly after, 
on other goods, exported and imported. 

August 6th, 1669, Governor Lovelace imposed an excise on wines, which was soon 
after extended to other liquors. 

October 18th, 1669, he imposed a duty of two guilders on every hogshead of tobacco 
exported, payable in wampum, 7 1-2 per cent, ad valorem on beaver ; and on all other 
goods exported I l-'Z per cent, ad valorem. 

MaySlst 1675. — Ii was ordered that goods from Barbadoes, Jamaica, and the 
Caribbee Islands, should be imported duty free, except rum and exportable articles. 
These duties, with the fees of patents and other fees of office, yielded a revenue ade- 
quate to t!ie ordinary support of the executive government. 

The imposition of duties by the governor without the consent of the people, was 
deemed a grievance ; and was complained of by the people of Jamaica in their remon- 
strance of December 9th, 16'0, against the impositisn of a direct tax for the reparation 
of the fort by the same authority ; and also by the people of Southampton, in their 
remonstrance of February ISth, 1671, against the order requiring them to take out a 
new patent. 

In 1683, the first colonial assembly 'epealed tlie Duke's law relative to rates, and 
passed a new act for defraying the charges of each respective city, town and county, 
throughout the colony, and for maintaining the poor. 

By this the assessment was to be made by a certain number of commissioners, who 
■were to be ciiosen by the town. The amount of the tax for the public expenses waa 
to be fixed by a committee composed of a commissioner from eaci) town. The taxes 
■were to be coJlected by the constables of the several towns, and paid to a treasurer 
appointed by the commisssoners, *" ho was to pay the same over to those whose ac- 
counts bad been allowed, on the warrant of the commissioners. 

May 1.3th, 1691. — The first assembly, after the revolution, passed an act authori- 
sing each town to choose two assessors and a freeholder. The estimate was to be 
made by tlie assessors, and the public charg-e of the county was to be adjusted by the 
said freeliolders of the several towns. They were to choose a treasurer, to whom the 
taxes were to he paid by the constables, who were to collect the same — and the treasu- 
rer was to pay them over on tiieir order. 

By an act of October 18th, 1701, eech town was authorised to choose two assessors 
and a collector. The p\iblic charges of the county were to be adjusted by the justi- 
ces, at the court of sessions, who were to appoint the treasurer, to whom the collector 
was to pay the taxes, and who was to pay the accounts tliat were allowed by the jus- 
tices 

By an act of March 7th, 1703, each town was to choose two assessors, a collector 
and a supervisor. The supervifor? were to adjust tiie public expences, and appoint a 



The English colonists on Long-Island brought wltli them 
thedoctrine that taxation and representation were insepara- 
ble — that the power of disposing of his own mone}', was the 
birth right of every British subject, and one of the elementary 

county treasurer, to whom the collector was to pay the taxes, and who was to pay over 
the same to the public creditors, on the warrant of the supervisors. 

This act has continued with little variation till the present time. The first assem- 
bly in 1683, also passed an a«t for defraying the requisite charges of the government. 
By this act they new modelled the former tariff. They imposed duties on various 
goods exported and imported. They imposed a duty often per oent. on goods impoJt- 
ed for the Indian trade ; and seem to have contemplated relying wholly on this source 
of revenue for the ordinary support of government. 

Similar acts were passed from time to time; and th>^ government in time of peace, 
during the colony administration, was generally supported by the revenue derived 
from duties and the excise. 

In time of war, which occurred very frequently, the colony assemblies had recourse 
to other taxes, but principally to direct taxes and emissions of paper money, redeema- 
ble by direct taxes. 

October 2d, 1690, the nssenbly under Leisler, levied a direct tax of three pence in 
the pound to defray tiie expenses of the troops raised to go against Montreal. 

In I70G, the colonial legislature emitted 5000i. in paper money, to be redeemed in 
a given time, which practice was often repeated during the colonial government. 

The practice was on Issuing a given sum in paper, to provide for raising the same 
sum, payable by instalments, by a direct tax, so as to extinguish the debt in a given 
period. On the collection of every instalment, it was exchanged for the same amount 
in paper, which was destroyed. 

In 175.'), tbi colonial legislature emitted 63,000/. -in 1756, 62,000i.-in 1758, 100,000?. 
in 1759, lOO.OOOZ.-and in 17«0. b0,000. in paper money for the support of their troops 
employed in tiie French war: Other colonies did the like, nor could the war have beea 
supported without tiiat reiource 

In 1759, the colony legislature, on "tlie application of Sir Jeffery Amherst, issued 
150,000/. in paper money, and loaned it to the General for the purpose of forwarding 
the public service, whicti was shortly afterwards redeemed in specie by the British 
government. 

It appears from the report to the assembly in 1766, that the various sums of paper 
money issued by the colony of New-York, from 1714 to 1760, both inclusive amounted 
to 601,607/. of which sum, on the 1st of November 1766, 468,7004. 0. 6d. had been re- 
deemed, and I32,nOHi. 19s. 6d. remained in circulation. 

In 1737, the colonial legislat'ire issued 40,000/ in paper, apportioned it among the 
several counties, and loaned it to the people on landed security at an interest of five 
per cent. p:)yable annually, witii a provision for the re-payment of the principal by 
four instalments of one fourth each in 1747, 48, 49 and 50, which when paid in was 
destroyed. 

In 1771 the colony legislature issued 120,000/. in paper, and loaned it to relieve the 
■wants of the people. 

In times when money was scarce, it was usual to resort to loans of paper money to 
supply the deficiency of the circulating medium, and to relieve the necessities of the 
inhabitants. The money was lent on ample security in lands, which were daily in- 
creasing in value. The certainty '>f its redemption prevented its depreciation. The 
interest, encreased the public revenue, and the circulation of the money invigorated 
the industry, accelerated the improvement, and augmented the wealth and prosperity 
of the colony. 

In 1760, tiie revenue of the colony appears, from the treasurer's report to the assem- 
bly, to have been derived from the following sources : 

Duties on tonnage, - - - - - I. 2,010 

On wine, rum, brandy, cocoa, negroes, and dry goods, import- I go 543 

ed from the British Islands, - - - ^ ' 

Direct tax, and monies derived from loans, - - 33,896 

The excise, ....-- 3,700 

An emission of paper money, - •» - - 60,000 

I 132,279 



94 

principles of British liberty, and that taxes could only be Im- 
posed with the consent of the people, by their representatives 
in a general assembly. 

They had for some years paid a direct tax of a penny in 
the pound to defray the public charges of the several towns 
and counties, of which they had not complaiiied. 

The governor had also imposed duties on goods imported 
and exported according to his pleasure for the support of 
government, and was now att; mpting to raise money by a 
direct tax for other purposes without the consent of tiie people. 

Several of the towjis were alarmed at the precedent about 
to be established, as dangerous to their liberties, and deter- 
mined to resist it. 

The towns of South Old, South Hampton, and East Hamp- 
ton, in a joint meeting by their delegates at South Old, agreed 
to contribute to the repairing of the fort, " if the^ might have 
the privileges that other of his majesty's subjects in ti ese parts 
have and do enjoy," alluding to the governments of New- 
England. 

June 24th, 1672 — The town of East Hampton, to whom 
the proceedings of the delegates were communicated, approv- 
ed of the decision of the deputies, and agreed to comply with 
the order " if the privileges may be obtained, but not other- 
wise." The towns of Huntington, Flushing, Hempstead and 
Jamaica, by the votes of their respective town meetings, refu- 
sed to comply with the order, and communicated the reasons 
of their refusal in writing to their respective constables and 
overseers to whom the onler was sent. 

The people of Huntington assigned this among other rea- 
sons for their refusal, viz. : " because they were deprived of 
the liberties of Englishmen," intimating that they deemed 
it a violation of their constitutional rights, that their money 
should be taken from them without their consent by their re- 
presentatives in a general assembly. 

The people of Jamaica in justification of their refusal, staled 
that they considered themselves already sufficiently burdened 
by the enhanced price which they paid for their goods, in 
consequence of the duties which the go>ernor had imposed 
on them, in addition to a penny in the pound, which they paid 
towards the public charges. That a compliance with the 
order would be contrary to the King's instructions, which for- 
bid any law to be enforced on the country that was contrary 
to the laws of the nation — meaning that no law for taking 
their money out of their pockets without their consent by their 
representatives, was consistent with the British constitution. 



95 

" That on the same principle that this order was imposed they 
might be required to maintain the garrison, and whatever else 
we know not, till there be no end ; but if it may appear to us 
that it is the King's absolute order to impose the said burdens, 
and dlsprivilege us, contrary to his former good intentions 
and instructions, and contrary to the liberties his majesty'3 
subjects enjoy in all his territories and dominions, we shall, 
with patience, rest under the said burdens until address be 
made to the king for relief." 

The votes of Flushing and Hempstead have not been dis- 
covered, but there is no doubt they were to the like effect. 
The constables of Flushing, Hempstead, and Jamaica, laid 
the resolutions of their respective towns before the ensuing 
court of sessions of the north riding, held at Jamaica; but it 
seems that the court did not act on them. They then laid 
them before the court of sessions of the west riding, which 
met the next week, December 21st, 1670, at Gravesend. That 
court, under the influence of the secretary of the colony who 
presided, and a member of the council, after examining the 
writings containing the proceedings of the said towns, ad- 
judged " That the said papers were in themselves scandalous, 
illegal, and seditious, tending only to disaffect all the peacea- 
ble and well meaning subjects of his majesty in these his royal 
highness' territories and dominions." And the court further 
ordered "that the said papers should be presented to the gov- 
ernor in council, for them to proceed on as they shall conceive 
will best tend to the suppression of false suggestions and jeal- 
ousies in the minds of peaceable and well-naeaning subjects 
in alienating them from their duty and obedience to the laws." 

Agreeably to this illegal order, the papers were presented 
to Governor Lovelace, and were by him and his council ad- 
judged to the flames, and ordered to be publicly burnt before 
the town house of the city, at the nest mayor's court to be 
held there.* 

Of the reconquesi of the colony by the Dutch. 

During the war between the English and the Dutch, which 
contmued from 1672 to February 1674, the Dutch attempted 
to recover their authority in this country. For this purpose 
they sent a small squadron with troops to retake New-York. 

* It was this sige and humane Governor Lovelace who, as Smith in his history of 
New-Jersey informs us, in 11568 wrote to Sir Robert Carr, who was tlieii in authority 
there, that tiie best melhod to keep the people in order was "to lay such taxes on 
them as may not give tbem liberty to entertain any other thoughts but bow to 
discbarge theuj." 



m 

Tiie^f arrived July oOtli, 1673, and the commandant of the 
fort most cowardly surrendered it to them without firing a gun 
or making any kind of defence. 

The commanders of the squadron appointed Captain Antho- 
ny Colve to be governor of the colony, who immediately sat 
about reinstating the Dutch government. 

August 14, 1673, he issued a proclamation to the several 
towns on Long-Island, requiring each of them to send two 
deputies to New-York, with full powers to make their submis- 
sion to the states general and the prince of Orange on behalf 
of the town. 

The Dutch towns, and the English towns that were settled 
under the Dutch, submitted to the new government. The 
English towns seem at first to have paid some attention to the 
proposals of the governor, but soon declined them. 

October 1st, 1673, the Dutch governor sent William Knyfl' 
and Anthony Malypart to the English towns, requiring them 
to take the oath of allegiance. Oysterbay complied ; Hun- 
tington and Brook haven offered to sign an agreement to be 
faithful to the Dutch government, but refused to take any oath 
that would bind them to take up arms against the crown of 
Great- Britain. 

The three eastern towns declined any compromise, and sent 
deputies to Connecticut to solicit that colony to take them 
under her jurisdiction, and to furnish them with aid against 
the Dutch, if they should attempt to enforce their demands. 

October 9th, 1673, the general court referred their applica- 
tion to a committee consisting of the governor, assistants, and 
two others, and authorized them, with the concurrence of 
Massachusetts and Plymouth, to grant their request, and to 
do what should be most advantageous for the mutiiSd benefit 
of the parties. 

The committee agreed to take them under their jurisdiction 
—erected the three towns into a county, established a county 
court, appointed judges and such other civil and military 
officers as they deemed necessary, and sent a military force to 
their aid. 

October 25th, the governor sent William Knyfl'and Nicho- 
las Voss to the towns of Huntington and Brookhaven; and, 
to induce them to comply with his wishes, promised them 
liberty of conscience, security of property, the choice of their 
officers, in the same manner as the like privilege had been 
enjoyed by the Dutch, with the same share in the govern- 
ment as the Dutch, and also consented that the oath of allegi- 
ance should be so modified as to accojumodate their scruples. 



9T 

Hnntingtoii and Brookhaven consented to yield to the 
\vishes of the governor, on condition that none but the magis- 
trates should take the oath required of them. This was con- 
ceded, and tliose two towns submitted on those terms. 

October 30th, the Dutch governor sent Cornelius Steen- 
wyck, first councillor, and two others, to the eastern towns, to 
persuade them to comply with the same terms. 

They sailed down the sound and called at Shelter-Island, 
where they fell in with Samuel VVyllis and Captain Winthrop, 
who had been sent to the Island, by Connecticut, to carry 
their resolutions into effect. The Dutch commissioners visited 
Southold, and found tlie people assembled and in arms. They 
offered to take their submission in writing, and to accept of 
the oath of allegiance from the magistrates. The people 
of that town, however, refused all manner of submission, and 
the commissioners returned without effecting the object of their 
mission. 

In the mean time, the governor of Connecticut wrote to the 
Dutch governor, and remonstrated against his atteinpting to 
extend his jurisdiction over the English towns that never had 
been subject to the Dutch government. This produced a 
captious correspondence between the two governors. 

The Dutch governor undertook to reduce the eastern towns 
by force, and Connecticut assisted them to repel his attempts. 
The Dutch forces sailed down the sound towards the east end 
of the Island, and attempted several descents, but effected 
nothing except the collection of a sum of money of Nathaniel 
Sylvester of Shelter-Island, for the property of his brother 
Constant Sylvester, and Thomas Middleton, which the Dutch 
governor had illegally confiscated and sold to him.* 

November 26th, 1673, Connecticut, in conjunction with her 
confederates, declared war against the Dutch, and made pre- 
parations to commence hostile operations in the spring. 

Tlie Dutch governor seems to have been alarmed at these 
preparations. March 27th, 1674, he ordered all vessels to be 
removed to a particular place, lest they should hinder the 
defence of the city, and made provision for the transportation 
of the inhabitants of the neighbouring villages " in case of an 
attack." 

* Trumbull, in his history of ConnectIcut,state9 that the Dutcli threatened the eastern 
towns with destruction by fire aud sword, unless they would submit and swear allegiance 
to the states general; that, they sent ships and an armed force towards tlie east end of 
the Island, and made several descents; but that, by assistance of the troop? whiclj had 
been sent by Connecticut, they were in «11 instances repulsed and driven from the Island. 

October 14th, lt)75, the general court of Connecticut returned Major Treat public 
thanks for his good conduct in defending the colony and the towns on Long-lslancf 
against t!ie Dntcb, and for his subsequent services. 

13 



98 

Peace was concluded in Europe February 9i\i, 1 G74, and the 
news of it suspended hosiililies, although no official account of 
it was received till several months afterwards. 

By the treaty, all conquests were to be restored to their for- 
mer owners; but, no person being sent to receive the surrender 
of the colony, the British government was not reinstated until 
the ensuing fall. 

The people of Southold, Southampton, and Easthampton, 
dreaded the prospect of a return to the duke's government, 
and determined to use their utmost eflbrts to resist it. They 
accordingly chose delegates and sent them to Connecticut, to 
solicit their continuance under the protection and government 
of that colony. 

May 14th, 1674, the general court took their application 
into consideration, and consented that they should continue in 
association with that colony, with the same privileges as other 
towns, as far as was in their power to make the grant. 

The general court also appointed or re-appointed Captain 
John Youngs. Captain John Howel, and Mr. John Mulford, 
judges of the county court, and appointed Samuel Wyllis, John 
Taloott, and the secretary, or any two of them, to go over to 
the Island to order and settle the affairs of the people there, 
and to establish such military officers among them as they 
should judge necessary. 

June loth, 1674, the town of Easthampton appointed a 
committee, who were ordered, in conjunction with Southamp- 
ton and Southold, to petition the king to suffer them to continue 
under the jurisdiction of Connecticut. 

These towns continued attached to Connecticut when the 
colony was restored to the duke of York. 

Of the restoration of the Duke's government. 

After the conclusion of peace, June 29th, 1674, the duke of 
York, to remove all doubt respecting his title, obtained a new 
patent for the territories which had been granted to him by 
the patent of March 12th, 1664, and shortly after appointed 
Major, afterwards Sir Edmund Andross, governor of his terri- 
tories in America. 

October 3Ist, 1674, Sir Edmund arrived at New-York, 
received the surrender of the colony from the Dutch authori- 
ties, and reinstated the duke's former system of government. 
Sir Edmund immediately sent to the three eastern towns,requir- 
ing them to return to the government of the duke of York. 

The deputies of the three towns sent a memorial to the 
governor, in which they state "that, by the aid furnished them 
by the kindness of Connecticut, they had repelled the Dutch; 
that they had joined thera and come under that governments 



99 

that that government had appointed both their clvii and military 
officers; that they had become bound by oath to that colony, 
and could not dissolve the connexion without their approbation." 

November 17th, the people of Soulhold, by a vote of their 
town-meeting, declared themselves " to be under the govern- 
ment of his majesty's colony of Connecticut, and that they 
would use all lawful means so to continue." 

The town of Easthampton instructed their deputies, who 
were appointed to consult with those of the other towns, what 
course they should take " to see that all lawful endeavours be 
put forth to the utmost for our continuance under that gov- 
ernment." 

November 18th, 1674, the governor and council ordered 
that a messenger be again sent to the three towns, requiring 
them to restore the former overseers and constables to their 
places, " under the penalty of being declared rebels "j and 
ordered the three deputies who signed the memorial on be- 
half of the respective towns, to wit John Mulford, John 
Howell, and John Youngs, to appear and answer before the 
council, on the like penalty. 

Thus the endeavours of the eastern towns to continue un- 
der the jurisdiction of Connecticut were unavailing, and 
they were obliged, however reluctantly, to return to the gov- 
ernment of the duke of York. 

Sir Edmund pursued the same arbitrary course that his 
predecessor had done. 

November 26th, 1674, he suspended a term of the court of 
sessions in the east riding of Yorkshire, and ordered the towns 
of Huntington and Brookhaven to have their business for the 
term transacted at the ensuing court of sessions at Jamaica in 
the north riding, because the three eastern towns had not re- 
turned the accounts of the constables and overseers of those 
towns according to his orders. 

In April, 1681, the same governor arbitrarily summoned 
Isaac Piatt, Epenetus Piatt, Samuel Titus, Jonas Wood, and 
Thomas Wicks, inhabitants of Huntington, to New-York, and 
caused them to be imprisoned without trial and without being 
chargeable with any legal oflence, but as is supposed merely 
for having attended a meeting of delegates of the several towns 
for the purpose of contriving the means of procuring a redress 
of grievances. Sir Edmund seems shortly after to have left the 
colony. June 29th, 1681, Anthony Brockholst presided in 
the court of assize as commander in chiel". 

Of the first Colony Assemhhj. 
June 29th, 168], the grand jury, at a special court of assize, 



100 

jn which Anthony Brockholst presided, presented the want of 
a general assembly, as a grievance, and the court appointed 
Captain John Youngs, the high sheriff of Yorkshire, to draw 
a petition, to be sent to the duke of York, for the privilege; 
which he did, and it was signed by the clerk, by order of the 
court, and forwarded to his royal highness, who seems to have 
listened to the prayer of the petition, and instructed the new 
governor to summon a general assembly as soon as he arrived 
in the colony. 

Col. Thomas Dongan, the new governor, arrived August 
27th, 1683, and soon after issued orders to the high sheriff to 
summon the freeholders of the several ridings to meet, to choose 
representatives to meet him in assembly the 17th of October 
ensuing. 

This first assembly met according to the summons, in New- 
York, October 17th, 1683, and elected Matthias Nichols, one 
of the representatives from New-York, their speaker. 

•first session, adopted a bill of rights, 
of jtTstTci^; repealed some of the mostobnox- 

• By the act of October 29th, 1683, a court was established in every town, for the 
trial of causes of debt and trespass under 40s., to be holden the first Wednesday of 
every month, by three persons commissioned for that purpose, without a jury unless 
demanded by one of the parties, and then to be granted at the expense of the party 
demanding it. 

By an act of 1 684, the commissioners were to be chosen by the several towns, and 
the court might be holden by any two of them. 

By an act of November 4th, 1685, tlie jurisdiction of the court was raised to 51. 

By an act of May 6th, 1691 , the power of holding this court was vested in tiie justices 
of the peace. The justice of each town, on tlie hearin);: ol a cause, was rf-quired to take 
to his assistance a freeholder of the town; and the judisdidion of the court was reetricted 
lo 40s., with a jury at the expense of the party requiririg it. 

By the oidinance of May 13th, 1699, every jdstice ol" the peace was authorized, with 
the assistance of a freeSiolder of the town, to hear, tr\-, and deteimine, all causes of 
debt and trespass, to'.the valuejof 40s and under, without a jury. 

By an act of December • 6th,'l 737, the same jurisdiction was given t he justices of the 
peace of the several towns, 'without the aessistance of a freeholder. 

By an act of December 16th, 1758, the jurisdiction of tlie justices was extended to 
causes of the value of 51. and under; which, by an act of Decemljer .:0th, 1763, was 
continued to January 1st, 1770. 

An act of May IQth, 1769, extended the jurisdiction of this court to cases of the 
value of lOl and under; which was disallowed by the king, December 9th, 1770, and 
published here March 4th, 1771 ; which revived the act of 1737. 

March I'itli, 1772, an act was passed, extending the jurisdiction of this court to 51.; 
which continued till the revolution. 

Of Court of Sessions and Common Pleas. 

By the act of October 29th, 1683, a court, called a court of sessions, was established, 
to be held yearly in every county by the justices of the peace of tiie said county, or any 
three or more of them, for the trial of all causes.eivil and criminal, arising in the county, 
by the verdict of twelve men ; the court to continue only three days. 

In 1688, it would seem, by the event, that an ordinance must have been passed for 
separating the civil from the criminal jurisdiction of this court, or by which a court of 
common pleas was organized dift'erently from the sessions. 

August 25th, 1688, Sir Edmund Andross issued distinct commissions for the court of 
common pleas,and general sessions of the peace, in Kings and Queen?; which commissions 
are on record in those counties. 

The commission for Kings county appoints Stephen Van Cortland judge of the court 
orcoiEffion pleas; and the court which was held April ^d, 1689, is called a court of 



101 

lous of the duke's laws, altered and amended others, and passed 
such new laws as they judged that the circumstances of the 
colony required. 

This assembly had an other session in October, 1684. At 
that session they abolished the court of assize, made further 
alterations in the duke's laws, and enacted several new ones. 

sessions and common pleas; from which circumstance, it seems probable that the common 
pleas was held immediately after the sessioDS ; and that the act of 1691 adopted this 
arrangement. 

By the act of May 6th, 1691, the courts of common pleas and sessions were distinctly 
organized. The court of common pleas was to he holden by a judge and three justice.'?, 
to be assigned for that purpose ; three of whom to form a quorum, with power to hear 
and determine all causes arising in the county, tryable at the common law ; and whose 
decision sliould be final in all cases under 201. except in cases where the title of land 
was in question. 

The court of sessions was to be holden by the justices of the peace in Kings, the second 
Tuesday of May and September, at Flatbush ; in Queens, the third Tuesday of May 
and September, at Jamaica; and in Suffolk, the last Tuesday in March at Southampton, 
and the last Tuesday in September at Southold ; to continue only two days. The court 
of common pleas was to be opened immediately after the determination of the sessions, 
and to continue only iwo days. 

The act of May 6tli, 1691, was limited to two years, and was fiom time to time 
€.\tended to May 6th, 1699. April 1 1th, 1699, the house of representatives passed a 
bill for a further extension of the same act, and sent it to the go"ernor and council for 
their assent. The governor, however, determined to exercise the prerogative, vested 
in him by his commission, of establishing cou:ts of justice himself, with the advice and 
consent of his council ; and they passed the ordinance of May 15th, I699j and all our 
courts after this period, except the justices' court, were regulated by the ordinances 
of the governor and his privy rouiicil during the colony administration. 

By the ordinance of May iSth, 1699, the same arrangement of thecourts was adopted, 
with tlie exception that no restiiction was imposed on the number of the jndges of the 
court of common pleas; and the second term in Kings was altered to the second Tuesday 
in November. 

May 1 8th, 1710, two judges attended the court of common pleas in Queens,and shortly 
after there were three in all the counties. 

By an ordinance, July 'Oth, l7'/9, the court of common pleas and general sessions 
were combined, were to be opened at the same time, or one immediately after the other, 
so that the business of one or the other as it occurred might be constantly proceeded in ; 
which arrangement continued, without any material alteration except in the times of 
holding the courts in the several counties, until the revolution. 

Of ike Supreme Court. 

By tlie act of October 29th, 1683, a court of general jurisdiction was established, called 
a court of oyer and terminer snd general gaol delivery, with power to remove all causes 
and judgments over 51. from inferior coui'ts, and to examine, correct, or reverse, the 
same ; to be holden by a judge and four justices of the peace, to be commissioned for 
that purpose in each respective county once in every year Either by a law or an 
ordinance in 1684, two judges were appointed to hold this court. 

By an act, passed in 1684, 2Q21. 10s. was raised for the payment of the salaries of the 
judges of this court. 

In IC83, Matthias Nichols and John Palmer presided in tljis court in Queens county. 

By the act of May 6th, 1691, a supreme court was established, to consist of a chief 
justice and four judges, two of w. om with the chief justice to form a quorum, with 
cognizance of all cases, civil, ciiminal, and mixed, as fully and amply as the courts of 
king's bench, common pleas, and exchequer, within their majesties' kingdom of England, 
have or ought to have ; to be held at the city hall of tlie city of New-York, on the llrst 
Tuesday of April and October, neither teim to continue longer than eight days ; with 
power also, by writ of certiorari or otherwise, to correct the decisions of inferior courts. 

By an act of 1092, the judges were required to hold a ^ircuit once a year in each 
county in the colony. In a short time, the number of judges was reduced to three. 

By the ordinance of May 15th, 1699, the same arrangement of the supreme court and 
circuits was adopted, as was established by the act> of 1691 and '92, except that the 
terms were limited to five days ; and the times of holding the circuit?, and courts of 
oyer and terminer, were fixed. 



102 

A new assembly was summoned in September, 1C85, and 
met at New-York the ensuing October and chose William 
Pinhorne their speaker. This assembly p?issed several acts, 
among which were the two following, to wit: An act, passed 
November 4th, 1685, for regulating the proceedings of monthly 
courts throughout the province, by which the jurisdiction of 
the court was extended to £5 ; and an act, passed November 
7th, 1685, for removing the court of sessions of King's county 
from Gravesend to Flatbush. 

There is no evidence that this assembly ever met again, or 
that any other was summoned, except one b}- Leisler, during 
his exercise of supreme power, until the arrival of a governor 
under William and Mary in J 691. 

Charles II died February 6th, 1685, and the duke of York 
succeeded him by the title of James II ; and, as he determined 
to have as little to do with parliaments as possible, so it is 
probable that he revoked the power which he had given to his 
governors to call assemblies, and determined that the}' should 
rule the colony by his instructions alone, without admitting the 
people to any participation in the public councils. 

By an ordinance of April 3d, 1704, the supreme court was required to hold four terms, 
which were to commence respectively on the first Tuesdays of Juuf and September, 
and on the second Tuesdays of March and October; and to continue five days each. 

By an ordinance, April 15th, 1715, the September term was changed, and the terma 
were to commence the first Tuesday of Juiie and tlie last Tuesday in November, and 
the second Tuesdays of March and October ; each to coniinue five days. 

By an ordinance of March 19th, I7:i2, the terms were ordered to commence on the 
third Tuesdays of January, April, and October, and on the la^jt Tuesday of July. 

By an ordinance, August Cth, 1750, it was ordered that the January and July terras 
continue till Saturday of the same week; and that the April and October terms continue 
till the end of Thursday in tiie second week. 

By an ordinance of October 7th, 1 76 1 , it was ordered that the January and July terms 
continue, as before, to the end of Saturday of the same week ; and that the April and 
October terms should continue till Saturday of the second week. One or more of the 
judges was directed to hold a circuit in each county, to try all causes brought to issue 
in tlie supreme court; and the court raightgivejudgement in the next or any subsequent 
term, to be holden for any time not exceeding six days; the time of holding the circuit 
courts to be fixed by rule at the term next preceding. 

This arrangement of the supreme court continued till the revolution,and was recognized 
by the constitution. 

0/ the Court nf Chancery. 

By the act of November 29tb, 1683, the governor and council were constituted a court 
of chancery, with an appeal to the king. The governor was authorized to appoint a 
deputy and other officers. 

By the act of May 6th, 1C91 , the same arrangement was adopted. 

By the ordinance of September 2d, 170 1 , the powers of chancellor were vested in the 
governor and council, or any two of that board. Commissions were issued, appointing 
masters, clerks, and a register ; and the court was to sit the first Thursday in every 
month. 

A court of admiralty was very early established in tlie colony, consisting- of a judge, 
register, and marshal. In 1701, William Atwood was appointed chief justice and judge 
of the admiralty at the same time. It had jurisdiction of all maritime causes, and the 
proceedings were according to the civil law. 

The former acts and ordinances, regulating the fees of the different courts, having 
expired, the subject was adjusted by au ordinance of April I5th, 1768. 



103 

Dming the reign of James IF, the rights of tlie people, civil 
and religious, were sacrificed to the claims of tlie prerogative 
and the bigotry of the king. His governors resembled their 
master in their religious and political principles, and seem to 
have studied to imitate him in their contempt of the rights of 
the people. 

In 1G86 or '87, Governor Dongan, with his council, passed 
an act for levying a tax of a half-penny in the pound for colony 
expenses. This was so flagrant a violation of the principles 
held inviolable by the people of Long-Island, that it is not 
believed that the law was ever executed. 

November ISlh, 1686, Governor Dongan issued a warrant 
to a messenger, to have Mr. James, the minister of Easthamp- 
ton, before the council that day fortnight, to answer for a 
sermon which he had preached the 17th of the preceding month, 
in which he had uttered sentiments which did not suit the 
governor or his friends. 

The governor, with the advice of the council, had the dispo- 
sition of the public lands. No purchase could be made without 
his licence, and no purchase was of any avail unless confirmed 
by patent, and for these they charged such sums as their ava- 
rice dictated 

The fees of patents constituted the principal perquisites of 
the governor, and the quit-rents charged on them produced no 
inconsiderable revenue to the crown. The interest which the 
governor had in these operated as an inducement to multiply 
the number of patents, and to enlarge the quit-rents as much 
as possible. 

In 1685, the governor issued a patent for lands in the town of 
Huntington, which in 1675 had been adjudged by the court of 
assize to be within the limits of the original potent of that town. 

In 1 686, he ordered the people of that town to purchase the 
lands within the town which had not been purchased of the 
Indians, in order that they might be compelled to take out 
new patents for them. 

The original patent of Huntington was made subject to such 
quit-rent as should be afterwards fixed, and the amount which 
that should be became a subject of altercation between the 
people of that town and the governor. To compel them to 
consent to its being fixed agreeable to his wishes, Governor 
Dongan, in 1686, seized their patent; and, before he would 
consent to grant a confirmation of it, they were obliged to 
agree to raise £29 4 7 in satisfaction of their quit-rent, and 
for the expense of a new patent, in* which the quit-rent was 
fixed, which passed the council August 2d, 16S8, and was one 
of the last acts of his administration. ' 

In 1686, Governor Dongan ordered certain lands to be 



104 

surveyed in Easthampton, in order to dispose of them to cer- 
tain persons to whom the town had refused to p^rant lands. 
Some of the people published a protest against this proceeding; 
and on 18th October, 1686, he issued his warrant to a mes- 
senger, to have Samuel Mulford, Robert Dayton, Samoel 
Parsons, Benjamin Conklin, Thomas Osborn, and John Os- 
born, before the council that day fortnight, to answer the 
premises 

Most of the towns on the Island, not excepting those settled 
under the Dutch, whose lands were secured by the treaty of 
surrender, were induced by one pretext or an other to take out 
new patents; and, in cases where the quit-rent had been fixed 
in the original patent, it was usually enlarged in the subse- 
quent one. 

The extravagance of the patent fees continued to be a subject 
of complaint during the colony government. The expense of 
the last patent of Huntington, which was obtained at a subse- 
quent period, amounted to £56 18 3, of which sum £50 was 
paid to the governor and public officers. 

11. Of the revolution of 16S0. 

The arbitrary measures of the governors of James IT, the 
denial of general assemblies, and the appointment of catholics 
to office, alarmed the people for the safety of both their liber- 
ties and religion, disgusted them with the government, and 
prepared them to welcome the revolution in favour of William 
and Mary, which promised a new era in favour of civil and 
religious liberty, and which terminated in the fall of 1688 in 
the expulsion of James II from the throne, and for ever put an 
end to his authority. 

The friends of despotic power in England had long consid- 
ered that the charters of the New-England colonies granted 
too much liberty to the people; and it had been for sometime 
the intention of the crown to revoke them and make them 
royal governments. 

Charles II, in his life time, had made some efforts for this 
purpose in relation to Massachusetts ; and James II, as soon 
as he ascended the throne, determined to carry this purpose 
into effect. 

In accordance with this determination, in 1G86 the charters 
of the New-England colonies were revoked or suspended, and 
SirEdmundAndross was appointed governor of New-England. 

In the spring of 168^, New-York was added to his govern- 
ment. July 28th, 1688, an order of the king was read in the 
council of New- York, directing Col. Dongan the governor to 



105 

deliver the seal of the province to Sir Edmund Aiidross. He 
shortly alter visited New-York and assumed the government. 

August 25th, he issued new commissions to the civil oflicers 
of Kings and Queens counties. 

On his return to Boston, the aflairs of New-York were con- 
ducted by Nicholson the lieutenant governor, and council. 

It is supposed that Col. Dongan immediately retired to his 
farm as a private citizen where he remained until^ihe spring of 
1690 or longer, before he left the country. 

The news of the accession of William and Mary to the throne 
reached Boston in April 1689, and the people immediately rose, 
seized the governor, whose tyranny had become intolerable, 
and imprisoned him, where they determined to detain him till 
they could hear from England. 

The news of the proceedings in Boston prompted certain 
persons in New-York, whose zeal or ambition was too impa- 
tient of delay to await the changes which would necessarily 
have succeeded the revolution in England, to wrest the gov- 
ernment out of the hands of Nicholson the lieutenant governor. 

May 31st, Capt. Jacob Leisler put himself at the head of 
the party, seized the fort and kept possession of it. June 3d, 
he was joined by the other captains of th" militia, with their 
companies. They immediately issued a proclamation, stating 
that their intention In seizing the fort was to keep it for king 
William ; and that they would surrender it to tHe governor 
who should be appointed by him Nicholson immediately 
retired aboard a vessel, and returned to England. June 12th, 
Leisler and his friends wrote to the several towns on Long- 
Island, inviting them to send two men from each county to meet 
the deputies of the other counties or New- York, on the 26th 
instant, to form a committee of safety; and also to send two • 
raen from each town to assist in guarding the fort. 

It is supposed that Kings and Queens complied with the 
request, although there was a powerful opposition in Queens 
to the measure. 

The several towns in Suliblk met by their deputies at South- 
ampton, June 20th, where a majority of them refused to send 
deputies to New-York; and immediately opened a negotiation 
with Connecticut, and made an other unsuccessful effort to put 
themselves under the jurisdiction of that colony, the laws and 
institutions of which were more congenial with their ideas of 
good government than those of any royal province. 

The counties of Albany and Ulster also refused to co-ope- 
rate with Leisler, or to send deputies to the general meeting. 



106 

Most or all of the other counties, it is supposed, sent their 
deputies to New- York. 

The committee of safety, which met at New-York June 26th, 
1689, gave Leisler the superintendance of things, and be 
managed the public affairs according to their advice till the 
ensuing fall. 

In December, letters were received from England, directed 
to " Francis Nicholson, or in his absence to such as for the 
time being take cai-e for preserving the peace and administer- 
ing the laws in their majesty's province of New-York in 
America"; and authorizing Nicholson " to take upon him the 
chief command, and to appoint for his assistance as many of 
the principal freeholders and inhabitants as he should think fit." 

Leisler chose to consider these letters in the absence of 
Nicholson as addressed to himself, and immediately assumed 
the title and power of lieutenant governor. He selected a 
council, appointed public officers in the several counties, and 
commissioned them in his own name, and demanded an entire 
submission to his authority. 

He demanded the possession of the fort at Albaqy from the 
magistrates, who avowed their intention to keep it for king 
"William, and were as zealous for the revolution as himself, 
and quite as disinterested. He exerted the patronage of his 
station to reconcile those parts of the colony that were disaf- 
fected with his authority, before he proceeded to enforce it. 

While Leisler was thus engaged in contriving means to 
secure his power, the defence of the colony was neglected; in 
consequence of which, the town of Schenectady, February the 
8th, 1690, fell a sacrifice to the barbarity of the French and 
Indians. 

In the spring of 1690, Leisler wrested the fort at Albany out 
of the hands of the magistrates, and confiscated the property 
of such as had opposed his having the fort, and had fled from 
the province to escape his resentment; and he imprisoned oth- 
ers, who questioned the legality of his authority, or the pro- 
priety of his measures. 

He summoned a general assembly in the spring of 1690, 
probably to procure supplies for the protection of the frontiers; 
which met in New- York the 24th of April, and chose John 
Spratt their speaker. It is not known that any thing was done 
at this meeting. 

They were soon prorogued to the first of September. No 
members attended from Suffolk, Albany, and Ulster; and one 
from New York, and one from Queens, refused to serve; so that 
it could not have consisted of more than eight or nine members. 



107 

May 1st, 1690, an enterprise was concerted with Leisler, 
by the New-England colonies, against Montreal, in co-ope- 
ration with an expedition, to be conducted at the same time 
by water, by the eastern colonies, against Quebec. The 
number of troops agreed on was 850, of which 400 were to be 
furnished by New-York. 

The enterprise was defeated by Leisler's neglect*, or the 
neglect of those under him, to make provision for the support 
of the troops, and for their transportation across the lakes. 

During this period, the towns in Suffolk county had several 
meetings to consult about the course which it would be proper 
for them to pursue, without coming to any agreement. The 
summons to choose assemblymen was received March 15th, 
1690, which they refused to obey. 

The people of Huntington, in April, 1690, signified their 
willingness to recognize the authority of Leisler. 

The people of Easthampton came to a resolution, the third 
of May, that they would not submit to Leisler, but would con- 
tinue as they were. This town consented, however, Septem- 
ber 9th, 1690, that certain moneys which ihey had formerly 
raised for public use, and which had not been paid to the gov- 
ernment, should be paid to Leisler, or to his order. 

The county sent no members to the assembly, and does not 
seem to have been reconciled to Leisler's authority ; but con- 
tinued in a divided and neutral condition during his adminis- 
tration. 

The opposition in Queens seems to have increased, and 
remained in full vigour in Albany and Ulster. 

January 1st, 1690, Leisler issued a warrant to have Andrew 
Gibb, the clerk of Queens county, brought before him, to 
answer for not delivering the papers belonging to the office to 
Mr. Denton, the new clerk, whom he had appointed. 

February 15ih, he issued orders to the sheriff, and to the 
civil and military officers of that county, to secure Col. Thomas 
Dongan, the late governor, in his own house, and to bring 

* The troops were commanded by Major General John Winthrop, esquire, who, 
when he approached the lakes, found there were neither boats sufficient to carry them, 
nor provisions to support them; and was obliged to retreat to Albany to subsist the 
army. 

The blame fell on Major Milbourn, who was the commii-sary, which tlirew Leisler 
into such a rage, that he caused the general to be arrested and imprisoned. This 
produced a severe rebuke from the governor and council of Connecticut. They say, in 
their letter to l^eisler, '' You net essitate us to tell you that a prison is not a catholicoD 
for all state maladies, though so much used by you"; and threaten, if he did not abandon 
his violent proceedings, that they would leave him and New-Vork to themselves, let 
the consequences be what tliey might ; and add, " If your adherence to Mr. Milbourn, 
(whose spirit we have sufficient testimony of, ) and other emulators of the major's honour, 
be greater than to ourselves and the gentlemen of the Bay, y-m may boast of the 
exchange by what profit you find." Trumbull's Appendix. 



108 

Col. Thomas VVillett, Capt. Thomas Hicks, Daniel Whitehead, 
and Edward Antill, esquires, before the council. 

February 21 ?t, he issued orders lo have Col. Dongan, Sie- 
. phen Van Cortland, Anthony Brockholst, and Matthew Plow- 
man, esquires, seized and brought before him. 

August 9th, 1690, Leisler issued a proclamation, requiring 
the members of assembly to meet at New-York the first day 
of September ensuing, to which day they were prorogued. 

August 11th, after reciting that Nathaniel Pierson, one of 
the deputies elected to the assembly for Queens county, and 
"Wilhelmus Beekman, one of the deputies from New York, had 
refused to serve at the meeting in April, he ordered those coun- 
ties repectively to choose others in iheir room, to meet with the 
deputies of the other counties, at their ensuing session in Sep- 
tember. 

August 13th, he sent a summons to Albany, and probably 
to the other counties that had not chosen deputies in the spring, 
to choose deputies,to meet with the other deputies in September. 
It does not appear, however, that the summons was complied 
with, in one of those counties. 

The assembly met in September, by which the two following 
acts were passed : 

An act, passed October 2d, 1690, for lev^-ing a tax of three 
pence in the pound; one half to be paid the 25th of January, 
and the other half the 25th of March, ensuing. 

An act, passed October 4th, imposing a fine of £70 on every 
person who should refuse to serve, in a civil or military capa- 
city, under a commission issued by Leisler; also, imposing a 
line of £100 on every person who should remove from the 
counties of Albany and Ulster; and, in cases of inability to 
pay that sum, leaving it to the discretion of Leisler to fix the 
line ; also, prohibiting the transportation of goods, except cer- 
tain specified articles, from the said counties, under tlie penalty 
of their confiscation. 

The last act was intended to restrain the people of those 
counties from going to Connecticut, where they resorted in 
order to avoid the persecution of Leisler and his officers. 

It seems that the opposition in Queens was not suppressed 
by the measures before taken for that purpose, 

October 18th, 1690, Leisler ordered Major Milbourn "to 
take what force he could raise, to suppress the opposition in 
Queens county." 

October 26, he suspended the court of oyer and terminer, 
about to sit in Kings county, " until the counties on Long- 
Island should be reduced to obedience." 

October 30th, Leisler, after stating that a rebellion existed 



109 

in Queens county, issued orders to Samuel Staats and Capt. 
Thomas Williams " to suppress it." He also ordered Thomas 
Williams and Samuel Edsdall to go to Flushing bay to exam- 
ine the vessels there, to see that none were employed in a way 
prejudicial to his interest. C apt. Richard Ingolsby arrived at 
New-York with his company the last of January, 1691, and 
demanded possession of the fort, which Leisler refused ; which 
added a new subject to the public contentions. 

The colony seems to have continued in this Convulsed con- 
dition to the end of Leisler's administration. 

Leisler's authority was terminated by the arrival of Henry 
Slaughter, the new governor, March 19th, 1091. 

He resused to deliver up the fort to the new governor; and 
thus violated all his former professions of zeal for king William, 
forfeited all claim to any merit for his services, and incurred 
the reproach as well as the penalty of usurpation. 

Leisler, and Milbourn his son-in-law, were tried and con- 
victed of high treason ; and the warrant for their execntioa 
was issued by the advice of both the council and assembly. 

Leisler's son preferred a complaint against the governor, 
which was referred to the lords of trade; who reported, March 
11th, 1692, " that they were humbly of opinion that Jacob 
Leisler and Jacob Milbourn. deceased, were condemned, and 
had suft'ered, according to law." 

November J2ih, 1694, the parliament, on the application of 
Leisler's son, reversed their attainder ; and, in compassion to 
their families, restored them their estates. 

From the history of that period, it appears that the revolu- 
tion in England was then completed, and the people of the 
colony were generally, if not unanimously, in favour of it. 

The members of the council and the lieutenant governor 
were friendly to it. They however were disposed to wait for 
the changes which they anticipated, without disturbing the 
public peace by any violent measures. 

Leisler, on the other hand, on pretence that those in power 
were in the interest of king James, raised a party among those 
whom he could influence and control, to expel them from office, 
and to take the government into their own hands.* By their 

* It is intimated in a note in Hutchinson's history of Massachusetts, that Nicholson, 
the Lieut. Governor, was well affected to the revolution, but that Leisler, wished to 
wrest the government out of the hands of the Lieut. Governor, in order to evade the 
payment of MOO, wliich he owed for duties, or at least, to avoid paying it to the persoa 
who then held the office of collector, who as he alleged was a papist. 

That to eftect liis purpose, he caused it to be reported at the east end of Long-Island 
that the Fort at New- York was in danger of being delivered up to the enemies of the 
revolution, and solicited the people there to aid in its reduction. 

It is further stated, that a military company marched to Jamaica xrhere they baited 
till the officers had an interview with the Lieut. Governor and council, who satisGed 
ihem that the report was unfounded, and they immediately retnrned home ; and that 



110 

assistance, he wrested the government out of the hands of the 
lieutenant governor, in defiance of the opinions of those whose 
talents, experience, and standing in society, entitled them to 
respect. 

These were unwilling to recognize an authority which they 
considered illegitimate, and assumed merely to forestal the 
favour of the new king, and declined to serve in the assembly 
which Leisler summoned, or under any commission issued by 
him. 

To sustain his authority, Leisler had recourse both to civil 
penalties and military force, and w as hurried into the same ex- 
cesses for which the former governors were so much reproached. 

It is not probable that he at first anticipated the career that 
led to his ruin, but that he only aspired to the distinction of 
being considered the foremost in his zeal for the revolution. 
When, by the delay of the governor's arrival and the partiality 
of his friends, he found himself in possession of the reins of 
government, and especially after the letters from England to 
Nicholson furnished him with a pretext for his authority, he 
became fond of power; and was so infatuated by its exercise, 
that he lost the remembrance of his duty as a subject, and fell a 
victim to his ambition. 

The assumption of power by Leisler was a misfortune to the 
colony. It was of no benefit to the revolution ; it deranged 
the operations of the government, set one part of the commu- 
nity against the other, and laid the foundation of divisions 
which destroyed the harmony of the colony for many years. 

Leisler was forced on other false alarms to induce the people of the city, to aid him 
en his enterprise. 

This account is countenanced by the records of Easthampton. May 8, 1689, " heard 
from New-York, that the fort is in hands whose fidelit is suspected. Voted tliat 
soldiers go to York to assist to reduce the place, that it might be better secured for the 
safety of tlie country." It was not till the 31st of May, that the militia of New- York 
seized the Fort, from which it is evident that the militia of Enst Hampton must have 
performed their tour, and returned home before the seizure of the Fort. 

It was probably owing to this intrigue of Leisler,that tlie people of Easthampton, who 
were devoted to the revolution, distrusted the purity of his motives; and, even after 
their negotiation for a union with Connecticut had failed, resolved, on the 3d of May, 
1690, that they would not submit to Leisler, but would continue as they were. 

The above representation is still further confirmed by the appointment of Nicholson 
to the government of Virginia, shortly afterwards by King William, which shows that 
he had no suspicion of his attachment to the revolution. 

That the excitement in New-York, which led to the taking of the fort, was created 
by artifice and management, is to be inferred from the letter of Nicbol-^on, Phillips, 
Bayard, and Van Courtland, to the people of Boston, dated New- York, May 1st, 1690, 
in which they state " For this part of the government, we find the people in general 
inclined to peace and quietness, and doubt not tl)e people will remain in their duties.' • 

Smith also states, in his history, that Leisler, while lie was contending with the 
convention at Albany for the possession of the fort there, in order to procure succours 
from Boston, *' falsely represented the convention as in the interett of the French and 
king James." 



Ill 

If the government had been suffered to continue in the hands 
of Nicholson and the old council, it is probable that the colony 
would have been protected against the ravages of the French 
and Indians^ The expedition against Quebec might have 
succeeded, and society would not have been disturbed by party 
animosity. 

III. Of the Colony Government. 

The commission of Governor Slaughter, dated January 9th, 
1689, constituted the foundation of the colony government 
after the revolution ; vviiich continued as it was tlien settled, 
with few innovations, until the American revolution. 

The executive power was vested in the governor, and the 
legislative power in the governor, council, and assembly, sub- 
ject to the revision of the king, to whom all laws were to be 
sent within three months after their passage. 

The council at first consisted of seven members, which num- 
ber was afterwards increased to twelve, and were appointed by 
the king. 

The assembly was composed of delegates from each county, 
chosen by the freeholders. The number was regulated by 
law. The term of service was indefinite until 1743, when it 
was limited to seven years. 

The governor could suspend the members of the council, 
and appoint others, subject to the king's approbation. He 
had a negative on the acts passed by the assembl}^ and coun- 
cil. He had power to summon, prorogue, or dissolve, the 
assembly; to appoint all public officers; and, with the consent 
of the council, to establish courts of justice, to dispose of the 
public lands, and to disburse the public moneys raised for the 
support of government. 

For some years, the public revenue went into the hands of 
a receiver general, who was appointed by the crown, and was 
not accountable to the assembl}'. The acts for raising reve- 
nue for the support of government were continued for a series 
of years without appropriation ; and the council exercised a 
concurrent power over revenue bills, as in other cases. 

This mode of managing the revenue was liable to great 
abuse. An indefinite support enabled the governor to dis- 
pense with the assembly, and rendered him in a great measure 
independent of them during that period ; and the omission of 
specific appropriations enabled the governor to fix the sala- 
ries of all public ofiicers, to dispose of the public moneys as he 
pleased, gave him the entire power over the civil list, and led 
to misapplication and embezzlement. 



112 

The assembly also soon discovered that their influence 'm 
the government depended on a vigilant exercise of their power 
over the public supplies ; and they resolved to correct these 
abuses. On their petition, queen Ann, in 1706, gave them- 
permission to appoint their own treasurer, to receive and pay 
all such moneys as they should raise for extraordinary pur- 
poses. 

As the quit rent charged on the patents for the public lands 
was the only ordinary revenue, the power of the treasurer was 
construed to extend to all the monies raised by the assembly 
for public uses. 

In 1709, the assembly assumed the control of the money 
raised by them for the support of government, by appropri- 
ating it to specific purposes. It was usual to pass one bill to 
raise the money required, and another to appropriate the 
payment of it to the particular purposes for which it was 
raised. 

In 1711, the assembly resolved to disallow any alteration to 
he made by the council in revenue bills. In reply to the claim 
of an equal right over the subject by the council, they ob- 
served '* that the power of the council flowed from the plea- 
sure of the prince, pspenified by the commission of the gov- 
ernor; but that the power of the assembly, in relation to 
taxes, flowed from the choice of the people, who could not be 
divested of their money without their consent," and they 
seem uniformly to have adhered to this determination ever 
after. 

In 1737, they resolved not to continue the revenue for a 
liJttger term than one year ; and in reply to Governor Clarke, 
who demanded an indefinite support, they, say, " we will not 
raise sums unfit to be raised, nor put^in the power of a 
governor to misapply them, or continue the revenue for any 
longer term than one year." 

In 1741, the assembly, in reply to the same governor, who 
renewed the demand for an indefinite support, without appro- 
priation, state, " that the course he recommended had former- 
ly been pursued, and had led to the misapplication and em- 
bezzlement of the public money, and that the practice of 
providing public supplies by annual grants, and the receipt 
and payment of the public monies by their own treasurer, 
with appropriation to specific purposes, was the only method 
to correct the evil ;" and they intimate their determination to 
adhere to it. 

July 14th, 1747, the assembly, in their answer to Governor 
Clinton, who remonstrated against their adhereoce to specific 



^ 113 

apjjropriations, after admittint? appropr:atioiis to be at general 
uses in Enp:land, and the parlicular application of tlie money 
left to the kin^, they say, "the case in the plantations is very 
different ; the governor* seldom have any estates in the colo- 
'^ies, and their interest is entirely distinct and different from 
' of the people, and therefore it is that they seldom regard the 
of the people, otherwise than as they can make it sub- 
their own particular interest ; and as they know 
•-■ir continuance in their governments to be uncer- 
•.a are used, and all digines set to work to raise 

Cb' ^ ; and therefore, should the public monies 

be It Mon, what can be expected but the 

grossest Mler various pretences, which will 

never be w, - often been actually the case in 

this colony, ai. ^plication happens, there are 

no means of rea. -^ot answer it to our con- 

stituents to pass any k. ney on them, and leave 

it to be disposed of at td. ? of a governor." 

The strife between the rt. rnors and assemblies, 

respecting a permanent suppo. .lued to vex the colony 

until September 24th, 1756, wu Sir Charles Hardy, the 
governor, informed the assembly that he had received instruc- 
tions allowing him to assent to their temporary bills for the 
support of government * 

These contests arose from the tyrann}' of the mother coun- 
try over the colonies, and were the result of the European 
colony system. The relation between the mother country and 
a colons ought to be modified in the same manner as that 
which subsists between a parent and child, and the relation 
ought so far to cease, when ihe colony b( comes competent to 
her own self-subsistence, as relates to the regulation of their 
internal concerns. To enforce the continuance of the entire 
subjection of the colony, after that period, is as incongruous 
as to hold a child in a stale of pupilage after he has arrived at 

* Smith, in his history of Nfw-York, page 371, allows that the reasons of the assem- 
bly for atjsumiag the control of tlie public money, were plausible ! 

This author pretty freely censures tlie personal character and party policy of some 
of tlie later governors, but is sparing of his remarks on the despotism of the colony 
system, by which they were controlled ; nor does he attempt to shew the practicability 
of so modifying it as to render the internal improvemetit of the colony compatible with 
the political supremacy of the mother country, without which there was no alter- 
native for the colonies, but vassalage or independence. 

Contrasting the political reflections which occur in his work, with the course which 
he took when the crisis arrived which put his patriotism to the test, makes the remark 
wliich he applied to Lieutenant Governor Delancy, on accouut of his opposition to the 
plan of union of 175 -J, peculiarly applicable to his own cise, vi'z : "Many had con- 
ceived him to be most inclined to the iiopular branch of the constitution, but now dis- 
covered that he had his eye to the other side of the water." 

15 



114 

tjhe age of manhood ; reduces the colony lo a state of political 
vassalage, and is a despotic exercise of authority on the part 
of the mother countr3'. 

A monopoly of the trade of a colony is the only remunera- 
tion that can be made to the mother country, compatible with 
the well being of the colony, and is an ample equivalent for 
the care and protection of the mother countrj^ 

The American colonies, at the conclusion of the peace in 
1763, had become fully competent to the management of iheir 
own internal concerns. They were desirous to maintain a 
political connection with the mother country : they acknow- 
ledged her political supremacy, and acquiesced in her power 
to r'igulate their external relations, their foreign commerce 
and navigation, but contended for the right to regulate their 
own internal aflairs. The mother country, on the contrary, 
claimed the right to control their internal regulations, so as 
to reader them subservient to her interests, and to prolong 
their subjection to her authority. It was for the first of these 
purposes that she prohibited the establishment of such manu- 
factures as would interfere with her own; that she refused her 
assent to laws imposing duties on the importation of her 
manufactures; that she opposed the acts for issuing paper 
money, or required them to be so modified as to suit her 
interests ; and that she made lands assets for the payment of 
debts due to her merch.inis. It was for the second purpose 
that she refused her assent to annual assemblies; that she 
required the establishment of a permanent revenue, that she 
objected to specific appropriation of the public monies, which 
limited the public patronage of the governor ; and that she 
required the judges' commissions to be issued during plea- 
sure.* 

* In 1724, the king repealed an act of the colony imposing a small duty on European 
dry gooda. 

In 1750, parliament prohibited the establishment of slitting mills. 

In nji^the colonies were prohibited from exporting hats to the West Indies. 

In 1732, parliament passed an act making land assetts for the payment of British 
debts. . . 

It was a standing instruction of the governors to msist on a permanent revenue, 
■without appropriation, until 1756. 

The governors were also instructed to refuse their assent to any emission of paper 
money, witii a legal tender. 

In 1739, the king refused his assent to an act passed here in 1 737, for triennial 
ast>emblies. The governors were instructed to issue their commissions of the judges 
during pleasure. 

In 1761, the lords of trade, in a formal report, say that to grant commissions to the 
colony judges during good behaviour, " would be subversive of all true policy, 
destructive to the irterests of his majesty's subjects, as tending to lessen that just 
dependence wliich the colonies ought to have upon the mother country." 

The governors, in two or three instances, departed from tlu ir instructions iu "-elation 
to the judges' commissions, aud fron^ public necessity were compelled to do it generally 
\vith rcgaj-d to paper money. 



115 

It was by pressing this interference in the internal affairs ot 
the colonies, until she assumed the power of imposing taxes 
on them without their consent, that forced them upon resistance 
for self preservation. 

The col(N)y governors were bound by their instructions to 
enforce such measures as were enjoined by the policy of the 
mother country, and were required to withhold their assent 
from all such acts as infringed the claims of the royal pre- 
rogative. 

A neglect of his instructions exposed a governor to the 
forfeiture of the royal favor, and the loss of his office. How- 
ever well disposed he might be to favor the interests of the 
colony, and to secure the good opinion of the people, he had 
a stronger interest to promote the views of the mother coun- 
try, and to secure the favor of the crown. 

Those who ar first feh some regard for the rights of the 
colonists, weve soon forced b\ their station to lend their talents 
to the enforceiiie'it ot the colony s3'stem. 

Few of them understood the policy necessary to the im~ 
provement of a new country, or made any efforts for that 
purpose. 

The internal improvement of the country, the advancement 
of t^e liberal professions, and the cultivation of literature and 
the arts, seem alike to have been overlooked and neglected by 
them. 

A few solitary suggestions were sometimes made by them 
on these subjects, but what few exertions were made towards 
public improvements were made by intelligent and public 
spirited individuals. 

The smallness of our numbers indeed greatly obstructed 
the improvement of the country or society. Various causes 
contributed to this effect. The smallness of our territory unoc- 
cupied by the Indians,the extraordinary military services impos- 
ed on our citizens by our local situation, the constant exposure 
of the frontiers to the depredations of the French and Indians, 
before the conquest of Canada, ihe difficulty of obtaining 
lands for settlement, in consequence ol the practice pursued 
by the governors, of granting them in large tracts to favorites, 
who would only lease or sell them at a high price.* To these 
may be added a dislike to the government, which was less 
free than the chartered governments of New-England, from 

*The governors charged \'ll 10?. patent fees for every tlioiisand acres of the 
public lands, to wliicli 5i. were added for surveying fees. Grants were refused to 
eettlers who were unable to advance the office fees, and the settlement of tlie country 
vras retarded by the avarice of the governors. 



116 

whence emisrrants were cliiefly to be expected. The appre- 
hension also of the probability of a legal establishment of the 
Episcopal church, with exclusive privilegps. in the colony, 
induced by the efforts made by the governor to have the 
ministers of that church supported by taxes levied pn all other 
denominations, combined with ancient prejudices engendered 
by controversies between the New England' people and the 
Dutch, before the conquest of the colony, prevented much 
emigration into the colony. Few efforts were made by the 
colony governors to remove these obstacles to the increase of 
our numbers and progress of society. 

The chief regards of our colony governors were confined 
to measures calculated to secure an ascendancy over the Five 
Nations, to undermine the Frencii power in Canada, and to 
guard the claims of the royal prerogative, and the interests of 
the mother country. Measures which were merely calculated 
to improve the country, or to meliorate the moral condition 
of the inhabitants, were of less moment, in their estimation, 
than such as were calculated to secure their own emolument or 
continuance in power. 

While the governors were vigilant in urging such measures 
as were subservient to their own views and the claims of the 
mother country, the colonial assemblies endeavored to with- 
stand such of them as were deemed to infringe on their con- 
stitutional rights and liberties. On these subjects they were 
frequently at variance with the assemblies, and often harrassed 
them by prorogations and dissolutions in order to worry them 
into a compliance with their favorite measures ; and the whole 
colony administration exhibits a constant conflict between the 
claims and encroachments of power, on the one hand, and the 
spirit of liberty struggling to defeat them, on the other. 

Their residence in the country was in most cases expected 
to be temporary, and as the asseiiibly state, in their address 
to the lords of trade, in 1753, they very often seem to have 
" considered the office as a post of profit," and their chief 
study seems to have been to make the most of it, and to carry 
as much money out of the colon}^ as was in their power. 

The whole history of the colony government evinced that 
it was in vain to expect a patriotic devotion to the public 
welfare, from men who were not bound to the country by any 
ties of personal interest, or responsible to the country for the 
faithful discharge of their public trust ; and that subserviency 
to the crown, and a disregard of the people, were vices inhe- 
rent in the very nature of colony government. 



117 

These contests between the colony governors and assem- 
blies taught the people to investigate and understand their 
rights, to appreciate the danger of the measures of the mother 
country to their liberties, and prepared them for the revolu- 
tion, which terminated in the independence of the country.* 

Of the sufferings of the people of Long-Island during 
the War of the Revolution. 

The powers of the colony governor were suspended in 
October, 1775, and until the adoption of the constitution, the 
government was administered by a provincial congress or 
convention, aided by town and county committees. 

Public spirit supplied the place of authority, and gave the 
recommendations of those bodies the force of law.f 

* Tlio constant danger to wliii-h the Colonies had been exposed by the ambition of 
the Frencli in theii' npighhoiliood, and their influence with the Indians, from the mas- 
sacre of the people of Schf-nectady in IBHO, until the conquest of Canada in 1760, kept 
them dependant on Great Britain ; and the necessity they were under for her aid to 
their security, prevented her being jealous of them 

After Canada was added to the number of the colonies, she began to be jealous of 
their growing; strength and importance, and then for the first time, perceived that the 
means which she liad adopted tor the enlargement of her power were calculated to en- 
danger and abridge it. Immediately after the treaty by which Canada was ceded to 
Great Brit^iin in 1763, she determined to maintain a military force in the colonies, to 
overawe tliem, and to raise a national revenue from them, "for the better support of go- 
vernment, and the administration of the colonies;" the effect of which would have been 
to render the governors, judges, and other officers appointed by the crown, indepcndant 
of the colon}' legislatures. The surplus revenue was to be at tlie disposal of Parliament. 
In 1764, th? British Parliament imposed a duty on Sugar and Molasses- In 1765, the 
•tamp act was imposed, wbicli, in consequence of the determined pppoiition with which 
it was resisted, was repealed the ensuing year. 

During the same year, 1766, an act was passed requiring the colonies to provide 
quarters, and certain enumerated supplies for the troops stationed among them. The 
assembly of New- York provided barracks for the troops stationed there, but omitted 
to make provision for a few of the articles enumerated among the supplies. 

In 1767, an act was passed restraining the Governor and council from assenting to any 
bill until the assembly furnished the supplies required. 

In 1767, also new duties were imposed on paper, glass, painter's colours, and tea, and 3 
board of commissioners were appointed to enforce the collection of the duties. 

The colonies repeatedly remonstrated against these acts, as destructive of their 
rights and liberties. 

In 1770, all the duties were repealed, except the duty on tea, and this involved the 
principle that the Parliament had the power to pass laws to bind the colonies in all 
cases wliatsoever. 

The colonies held that taxation and representation were inseparable, and that, as 
they were not represented in parliament, they could not be rightfully taxed by par- 
liament. 

A determination to resist the violation of this principle, on the part of the colonies, 
and a determination to enforce their measures by the sword, on the part of the British 
ministry, led to a union of the colonies, and to tlie war of the revolution, which re- 
sulted in an acknowledgment of the independence of the United States by Great 
Britain in 1783. 

f The first continental Congress met at Philadelphia, September 4, 1774, and the 
second met May 10, 1775. The Provincial Congress of New-York met the '22d May 
1775, and on the 27th they recommended to the several counties, to appoint county 
and town committees, which was immediately complied with. Governor Tryon with- 
drew from the city ot New-York, and went on board a British ship on the 13th of 
October 1775, which day has been considered as the date of the dissolution of the 
colony government. 



118 

The Island was evacuated the niglit of the 29th of August, 
1776; and in October fo]lo\vhig,the county committees, and the 
committees of the several towns, were, by force or fear, pre- 
vailed on, by written declarations, to revoke and disannul all 
their proceedings, and to renounce and disavow the authority 
of the provincial and continental congresses, and the members 
of the several committees, and the people generally, were 
obliged to take the oath of allegiance to the king.* 

From 1776 to 1783, the island was occupied by British 
troops. They traversed it from one end to the other, and 
were stationed at different places during the war. 

The uhole country witl)in the British lines, was subject to 
^ martial law, the administration of justice was suspended, the 
army was a sanctuary for crimes, -.nid robbery, and the 
grossest offences, were atoned by enlistment. 

The massacre of General Woodhull, in cool blood, was a 
prelude to what others were to suffer, who had taken an 
active part in favor of the revoluti( n. — [See Appendix.] Ma- 
ny of those who had served as officers in the militia, or as 
members of the town and county cmmittees, fled into the 
American lines for safety. Those who remained at home 
were harrassed and plundered of their property, and the in- 
habitants generally were subject to the orders, and their prop- 
erty to the disposal, of the British officers. 

They compelled the inhabitants to di> all kinds of personal 
services, to work at their forts, to go with their teams, on 
foraging parties, and to transport their cannon, ammunition, 
provisions, and baggage, from plate to place, as they changed 
their quarters, and to go and come on the order of every 
petty officer who had the charcre of the most trifling business. 

In 1781, the t()wn of Huntington was compelled to raise 
£176 by a general tax. as a commutation for personal labor, 
towards digg:ing a well in the fort on Lloyd's JNeck. 

The officers seized and occupied the best rooms in the 
houses of the inhabitants. They compelled them to furnish 
blankets and fuel for the soldiers, and hay and grain for their 
horses. They pressed iheir horses and wagons for the use of 
^ the army. They took away their cattle, sheep, hogs, and 
poultry, and seized without ceremon} , and without any com- 
pensation, or for such only as the^ chose to make, for their 
own use, whatever they desired to gratify their wants or 
wishes. 

* General Howe i?fiied a proclpmation foon after he landed on Lons-Island, prorais- 
— ing security and prottition to piicli as should remain beaceahly on their farm?, and 
most of the iniiabitants availed themselves of it, and remained on the island during 
the war. 



119 

In April, 1783, Sir Guy Carlton instituted a board of com- 
missioners for the purpose of adjustiiii^ such demands against 
the Britisii army, as had not been settled The accounts of 
the people of the town of Huntington alone, for property taken 
from them, for the use of the army, which were supported by 
receipts of British oflicers, or by other evidence, which were 
prepared to be laid before tlie bo ird, amounted to £7249, 9, 6, 
and these accounts '^ere not suppose! to comprise one fourth 
part of the property wliicli was taken f;om them witiiout com- 
pensation. 

These accounts were sent to New- York to be laid before 
the board of commissioners, but they sailed for England with- 
out attending to them, and the people from whom the prop- 
erty was taken were left, like their neighbors who had no 
receipts, without redress. 

If the other towns on the island suffered half as much in 
proportion, the whole island must have sustained actual losses 
by the war exceeding 3^*^0>^00, besides innnmerable other 
injuries. 

The inhabitants suffered great abuse from the British refu- 
gees, who, whenever they could shelter themselves under any 
color of authority, did all the injury in their power. Many 
of these devoted themselves to robbery and pillage, and if 
they were detected, they enlisted, and this arrested the arm of 
justice, shielded them from punishment, and enabled th^m to 
bid defiance to thosf whom they had robbed and abused. 

During the whole war, the inhabitants of the island, espe- 
cially those of Suffolk county, were perpetually exposed to 
the grossest insult and abuse. They had no property of a 
moveable nature that they coidd, properly speaking, call their 
own; they were oftentimes deprived of the stock necessary to 
the management of their farms, and were deterred from en- 
deavoring to produce more than a bare subsistence by the 
apprehension that a surplus would be wrested from them, 
either by the military authority of the purveyor, or by the 
ruffian hand of the plunderer. 

Besides these violations of the rights of person and prop- 
erly, the British officers did many acts of barbarity, for which 
there could be no apology 

They made garrisons, store houses, or stables, of the houses 
of public worship in several towns, and particularly of such 
as belonged to the Presbyterians. 

In the fall of 1783, at the conclusion of the war, about the 
time the provisional articles of the treaty of peace were signed 
ill Europe, Colonel Tuompson, (since said to be Count Rum- 



120 

ford) who commanded the troops then stationed at Hunting- 
ton, without any assignable purpose, except that of filling his 
own pockets, by its furnishing him with a pretended claim on 
the British treasury for the expense, caused a fort to be erect- 
ed in Huntington, and without any possible motive except to 
gratify a malignant disposition, by vexing the people ot Hunt- 
ington, he placed it in thecentreof the public burying ground, 
in defiance of a remonstrance of the trustees of the town, 
against the sacrilege of disturbing the ashes and destroying 
the monuments of the dead. 

Hardships imposed by the State Legislature, 

Much, however, as the people of Long-fsland bad suflered 
from the injustice, cruelty, and oppression of the common ene- 
my, they were not suffered to taste the cup of liberty until it 
was, in some measure, embittered by the unkindness of their 
friends. 

It was their lot to be abandoned by their country, and left 
in the power of the enemy. It was their misfortune, and not 
their fault, that they were not within the American lines; th«t 
they were disarmed, and in subjection to the enemy, instead 
of being in the tented field, and in arms against them. 

By an act of the legislature of the state of New-York, passed 
March 17, 1783, in actions for damages to the property of 
persons within the American lines, those who had been 
compelled by military orders, and even by military force, to 
contribute to the damage, were prohibited from pleading the 
same in justification, or from giving the same in evidence ou 
the general issue. 

By another act, passed May 6, 1784, a tax of £100,000 
was imposed on the southern district^ £37,000 of which was 
assigned to Long-Island, as a compensation to the other parts 
of the state, for not having been in a condition to take an 
active part in the war against the enemy ! ! ! 

Both these acts were violations of public law, and the im- 
mutable principles of justice ; were partial and oppressive in 
their operation, and felly proved tliat an abuse of power was 
not peculiar to the British parliament, but a common infirmi- 
ty of human nature ; and in conflicts of local interests, fo- 
mented by local jealousies, might sometimes occur under the 
freest forms of government. 



APFtSNDIZ. 



Of General Woodhidl. 

Nathaniel Wr odiiull was a descendant of Richard Woodhult, 
esq who is supposed tc have left England in consequence of 
having taken an aciive part in favor of liberty, under Charles 
I. a short time before the restoration of C harles II. in 1660. 

He is named in the original deeds for Jamaica, as one of 
the first proprietors of that town, but seems to have settled at 
Brookhaven soon aftfr the settlement of that plate. An ori- 
ginal letter, written by Lord • rew, to the said Richard Wood- 
hull, in 1687, in answer to one of his, is among the papers of 
the late Abraha.Ti Woodhull, esq. of Brookhaven, in which he 
styles him cousin, and speaks «>f his relations, among whom 
lie enumerates a bishop, and a number of families of the first 
rank and respectability in society. 

Mr. Woodhull had three brothers younger than himself, 
Richard, Jesse, and Ebenezer. Richard graduated at Yale 
College in 1752, was a tutor there some years, and died at 
New- Haven. Jesse and Ebenezer settled in Orange county, 
and their posterity reside there. 

Nathaniel was born in 1722, and spent his youth with his 
father, who was an opulent farmer at Mastic, in Brookhaven, 
and his education was such as was calculated to fit him for 
the duties of active life. 

He was endowed by nature with a strong discriminating 
mind, and a sound judgment, which soon attracted the notice 
of his fellow citizens, and pointed him out as peculiarly quali- 
fied for public usefulness. 

His first public employment was in a military capacity, in 
the war between Great Britain and France, which commenced 
in 1754, and terminated in 1760. 

It is not known that Mr. Woodhull entered the army before 
1758. Previously to that year, the war had been conducted 
without much system or vigor, and the French had the supe- 
riority in every campaign. 

The defeat of Braddock in 1755 — the acquisition of Oswe- 
go in 1756, and of fort William Henry, in 1757, gave them 
the command of lake Champlain, the western lakes, and of 
the whole coujitry between Canada and Louisana, west of the 
Alleghany mountains. This secured to them the ascendancy 
over the Indian tribes, and they threatened to confine the colo- 
nies to very narrow limits, or to wrest them from Great Bri- 
taitii 

t<3 



122 

In 1758, under the administration of William Pitt, it was 
determined to make more vigorous eflorts to limit or reduce 
the French power in America. 

For this purpose, a large body of regular troops, with well 
appointed ofncers and a powerful fleet, were sent from Eng- 
land, and the northern colonies were called on to raise their 
respective proportions of 20,000 men, to aid the regular forces 
in their operations against the French. Of this number 2680 
were allotted to New-York, during the year 1758-59 and 60, 
of which 657 were assigned to Long-Island — 300 to Queens, 
289 to Suffolk, and 68 to Kings. The colony had only fur- 
nished 800 in 1755, 1350 in 1756, and 1000 in 1757. 

During the year 1758, Louisburgh was taken by Gener- 
al Amherst, aided by the fleet under admiral Boscawen, Fort 
D\i Quesne was taken by General Forbes, and its name 
changed to Fort Pitt. General Abercrombie was repulsed 
in his eftbrts against Ticonderoga, the 8th of July ; but Fort 
Frontenac was subsequently reduced by a detachment from 
his army the 27th of August, under the command of Colonel 
Bradstreet 

The detachment consisted of 3000 men, chiefly provincial 
troops, and 1112 of them of the New-York levies. 

In 1759, General Amherst succeeded General Abercrombie 
as commander-in-chief, and the conquest of Canada was resol- 
ved on. The plan of the campaign was to make the attack at 
the same time by the upper lakes, Lake Champlain, and by 
the St. Lawrence. 

During this season, Niagara was taken by a detachment 
under General Prideaux, who was killed by a casualty, and 
was succeeded by Sir William Johnson, who completed the 
conquest the 25th of July. Ticonderoga and Crown Point 
were taken by the troops under General Amherst, June 23, 
and Quebec was surrendered, September 18, to the army 
commanded by Gen Wolfe, who fell in the attack. 

In 1760, the plan adopted the preceding year was vigor- 
ously prosecuted. The French forces were concentrated at 
lilontreal, and the three detachments of the army by way of 
Ontario, Champlain, and up the St. Lawrence, under the 
command of Generals Amherst, Haviland and Murray, respect- 
ively arrived before JMontreal within 48 hours of each other. 
The united forces were so formidable, that M. De Vaudreul, 
the Governor-general, deemed it improvident to risk an 
action, or to sustain a siege ; and on the 8th of September, 
1760, he surrendered the whole province of Canada and its 
dependencies, to the united regular and provincial forces. 



123 

under General Amherst, which was confirmed to Great Brit- 
ain by the treaty of Paris, February 10th, 1763. 

In i758, Mr. Woodhull was a major in one ofthe New- York 
battalions. He was with the troops under General Abercrom- 
bieat Ticonderoga, the 8th of July, and he accompanied Col. 
Bradstreet in the expedition, which he conducted against fort 
Frontenac, and assisted in the reduction of that fortress, the 
27th of August ensuing. The army left Schenectady the 
28th of July for the Oneida carrying place. On their route 
on the night of the 5ih of August, 150 of the Jersey troops de- 
serted from the encampment, near the German Fiats. Major 
Woodhull was despatched on the morning of tlie 6th with a 
detachment of 300 ofthe New-York troops in pursuit of them, 
and overtook and returned with them on the nigijt ofthe 7th. 
This expedition, both in respect to the splendor ofthe achiev- 
ment and its beneficial efiects in weakening the influence of 
the French with the Indians, in interrupting their intercourse 
with their upper forts, and in lessening their ability to furnish 
them with military supplies, as well asin diverting the courseof 
the fur trade, was one ofthe most important events that occur- 
red during the whole war. It cofitributed, in a great measure, 
to efface the disgrace which the army had just sustained by 
their repulse at Ticonderoga. In this expedition the venera- 
ble Col. Marinus Willet, who was a lieutenant and one of 
the party, states, that the conduct of Major Woodhull was that 
of " a first rate officer."* 

In 1759, two battallions of the New-York troops accompa- 
nied General Prideaux to Niagara ; and one went with Gen» 

* The expedition under Col. Bradstreet consisted of the following troops: Regu- 
lars, 135 — royal artillery, 30— iVew-Vork provincials, 1112 — .Massachusetts do. 675 — 
Ke v-Jersey, do. 412--Rhode-Island. do. 3lo-batteati men 300, and about 60 rangers— 
in all 3035. The regulars were commanded by Capt. Ogilvie, and the artillery by 
Lieutenant Brown. 

The New York troops consisted of two detachments. The first commanded by 
Lieut. Colonel Charles Clinton, of Ulster, amounting in the whole to 440, under Capt?. 
Jonathan Ogdeu, of Westchester, Peter Dubois ofNew-Vork, Samuel Bladgley of 
Dutchess, and Daniel Wright of (iueens. The second was commanded by Lieut. Coi. 
Isaac CorsOr-of Uueens, and Major Nathaniel WoodouU of buffolk, amounting to 6C8, 
under captains Elias Hand of S?ufFolk, Richard Hewlett of Queens, Thomas Arrow- 
smith of Richmond, William Humphrey of Dutchess, Ebenezer Seely of Ulster, auJ 
Peter Yates and Goosen Van Schaick, of Albany. 

The troops left fort Stanwix, VugustNth, 1 753, and the fort capitulated the 27th, 
by which the jiarrison, artillery stores, and two schooners, fell into tiie hands of the 
victors. The '■ommander of tlie fort was exchanged for Col. Peter Schuyler, who had 
been taken the year before, and enabled the country to avail itself of tiie experience of 
that excellent ofScer during the two ensuing campiigns. 

Col. Corse^who haddistingnished liimselfin the three preceeding campaigns, with a 
part of his troops volunteered to erect a battery in ttie night of the 26tli, in the midst 
of the enemy's fire, which in the morning commanded their fort, and led to an imme- 
diate surrender. 

The Col. received a slight wound, but not so severe as to un?.t iiim for duty. The 
detachment returned to fort Stanwix the 10th of St?ptembor. 



124 

Amherst to Tlconderoga ; and, it is supposed, that Major 
Woodhull was made a lieutenant colonel, and accompanied 
the troops who went on one or other of these expeditions 

In March, 1760, he was pron)oted to tre rank of colonel, 
and commanded the third regiment of New-York troops in 
the expedition against Canada. 

After the conquest of Canada, he was discharged witli the 
provincial troops, and returned to the duties and employments 
of a private citizen, with the reputation of having discharged 
the duties of his military stations with honor and ability. 

Soon after this period, the government of Great Britain, 
DOt satisfied with having the controul of the trade of the colo- 
nies, conceived the project of raising a revenue from them, by 
the imposition of duties on their imports, to be regulated, as to 
their extent and amount, solely by the discretion of the lirit- 
ish Parliament. 

A doctrine so hostile to the principles of the British consti- 
tion, as well as to the freedom and security of the colonies, 
created a general excitement, and roused a spirit of resistance 
throughout the colonies. 

December 28th, 1768, the assembly of New-York adopted 
a number of spirited resolutions ; and among other things, 
they in substance, resolved unanimously — that the people of 
the colonies enjoyed the same rights as the people of England 
in not being liable to be taxed but by their own representa- 
tives; that the rights and privileges of the legislatures could 
not be abridged, superceded, abrogattd, or annulled ; and 
that they had a right to consult with the other colonies, in 
matters wherein their liberties might be affected. In conse- 
(juence of which, the governor, Sir Henry Moore, on the 2d 
of January, dissolved them. 

The people of SufTolU county, from their first settlement, 
liad held that there could be no taxation without representa- 
tion ; and, in 1670, had refused to pay a tax imposed on 
them by Governor Lovelace, before they were permitted to 
have an assembly, and their d< scendants were now determin- 
ed to withstand a similar violation of their rights by the Brit- 
ish parliament. 

The bravery, prudence, and patriotism of Col. Woodhull, 
had procured him the confidence and esteem of his fellow citi- 
zens. 'Vhey now deemed his qualifications peculiarly fitted for 
the crisis, and nranifested their confidence by electing him one 
of their representatives to the new assembly, that was sum- 
moned in the spring of 1769. 



125 

March 1st. ITf'O — The people of Suffolk adopted certain 
instructions for William NicoU, esq. and Colonel Nathaniel 
WoodhuU, their m- mbers to the new assembly ; and, among 
other things, express their confidence, that they would exert 
their abilities " to preserve their freedom and the^command 
over their own purses." 

Col Woodhull continued a member of the assembly for the 
county of Suffolk, until the dissolution of the colony govern- 
ment in 1775 ; and the firmness and patriotism he displayed 
during that turbulent period, endeared him to the friends of 
freedom, and he received the cordial approbation of his con- 
stituents, 

The people of Suffolk, April 6th, 1775, appointed him one 
of the delegates for that county, to the convention which met 
in the city of New-York the 20th of that month, to choose 
delegates to meet the delegates of the other colonies, at 
Philadelphia, the 10th of May then ensuing, in order to con- 
cert measures for the restoration of harmony between Great 
Britain and the colonies. 

In Alay 1775, he was chosen one of the delegates of the 
said county to the provincial Congress, which first met at 
New-York, the 22d of the same month, to co-operate with the 
continental congress, in such measures as they should devise 
for the public good. 

August 22d, 1775. — The provincial Congress re-organized 
the militia of the colony, and soon after appointed Col. Wood- 
hull brigadier-general of the brigade composed of the militia 
of Suffolk and Queens ; and at the same time appointed capt. 
Jonathan Lawrence one of the delegates from Queens to the 
provincial congress, his major of Brigade. 

Col Woodhull was also proposed for the office of brigadier 
general in the continental service, June 9th, 1776, when Gen. 
Scott was elected to that station, and received the support of 
the members who vi'ere acquainted with his merits. 

August 28th, 1775. — General VVoodhuil was elected presi- 
dent of the Provincial Congress, and continued to preside in 
that body until the lOth of August, 1776. 

July 9th, 1776. — Tl)e Provincial Congress met at the 
White Plains, and on the first day of their meeting, ratified, 
on the pan of the people of this state, the declaration of Inde- 
pendence which had been adopted by the Continental Con- 
gress on the 4tl) Inst, and iujmediately assumed the style of 
" the convention of the people of the state of I\ew-York ;" 
and set about framing a state constitution, which, in conse- 
quence of the interruptions of the war, and the public duties 
of the members, was not completed till April, 1777. 



126 

In the spring of 1 776, it was apprcliended (bat the British 
would shortly attempt the invasion of New-York, and prepa- 
rations were made to repel them. 

July 20th, 1776. — The convention ordered one fourth of 
the militia of Long-Island to be drafted, and to be ready for 
immediate service. These amounted to eight or nine hundred 
men, and were organized into two regiments, under colonel 
Josiah Smith of Suflblk, and colonel Jeromus Remsen, of 
Queens. 

These troops njarched to Brooklyn early in August, and 
tvere placed under the continental officer who commanded 
there. 

July 29th, the convention met at Harlaem, to which place 
they had before adjourned. 

August 10th — General Woodhull obtained leave of absence 
in order, it would seem, to visit his family and arrange his 
domestic affairs, probably under an impression that his servi- 
ces would shortly be required in the field. 

August 22d. — The convention were informed that the Brit- 
ish troops were landing, and that thty were sufiering for pro- 
visions, and they deemed it of great importance to prevent 
their obtaining supplies. 

August 24. — The convention ordered out the militia of 
Queens, the two troops of horse, of Kings and Queens, and one 
half of the western regiment of Suffolk, with five days provi. 
sions, under the command of General Woodhull, who was 
ordered to march into " the western parts of Queens county," 
and to " use dl possible diligence to prevent the stock and 
other provisions from falling into the hands of the enemy, either 
by removing or destroying them." 

The same day, the convention passed several resolutions, 
prescribing, in detail, the mode in which they wished their 
orders executed. They also sent William Smith and Samuel 
Townsend, esq'rs. two of their members, to General Wash- 
ington, with a copy of their resolutions, who were instructed 
to state to him, that the convention were of opinion that it 
would be " extremely difficult, if not impracticable, to effect 
the objects of their resolutions, without an additional force, 
and to submit to his Excellency's consideration the propriety 
of ordering Col. Smith's and Col. Remsen's regiments to join 
the troops under General Woodhull." 

Sunday, August 25. — General Woodhull wrote to the con- 
veation, and, from their answer, it would seem, stated what 
would be necessary to keep the troops together, and to enable 
him ^0 execute their orders. 



127 

On tbe 2Cth, Mess. Smith and Townsend reported that they 
had waited on General Washington — that to their request res- 
pecting Smith and liemsen's regiments, he replied, " that he 
was afraid it was too late," but that he would immediately 
give orders for those two regiments to march into Queens 
county to join General VVoodhull. 

On the same day, the convention wrote to General Wood- 
hull, and informed him that they had applied to General 
Washington to send Smith and Remsen's regiments to join 
him, to which he had assented, and that they expected that 
they were by that time on the ground. On the same day, 
they also sent him the resolutions which they had adopted on 
the 24th. with instructions, which seem not to hav« reached 
till the next morning. 

On the morning of the 27th, General Woodhull wrote to 
the convention from Jamaica. He acknowledged the receipt 
of their resolutions, and stated that he had removed all the cat- 
tle west and south of the hills — that he did not believe that 
Smith and Remsen would be able to join him with their regi- 
tuents, and that unless they could send him some other assis- 
tance, he apprehended that he should soon be obliged to quit 
that part of the country. 

In the afternoon of the same day the General again wrote 
by express, and stated that about 100 men of the western 
regiment of Suffolk had arrived the day before; that about 40 
of the militia of Queens county had joined him, which with 
about 60 of the two companies of horse, of Kings and Queens, 
composed his whole force, and were nearly all that he expect- 
ed — that he was within six miles of the enemy's camp — that 
their horse had been within two miles of him, and that without 
more men, his stay could answer no purpose. 

The General, at the same time sent Jonathan Lawrence, esq. 
his brigade major, to the convention, to enforce his represen- 
tations. 

He that day removed the cattle from Newtown, and station- 
ed his troops that night about two miles east of Jamaica, 
where he himself remained. 

Tlie convention unfortunately never met on the 27th, and 
business was transacted by the committee of safety, which 
was probably the reason why the express, who returned on 
the morning of the 28th, brought nothing but a copy of the 
communications of the 26th, wliich had been before received. 

On the same morning of tlie 28th, General Woodhull wrote 
liis^last letter to the convention, in which he complained of 
their inattention to his situation — that in the letter received 



128 

by his express, they had only repeated what they had before 
communicated, without answering his letters, or the message 
by his brigade major. He stated that he had collected and 
sent off about 1400 cattle with guards to the eastward ; and 
had ordered the inhabitants that, in case he should not re»eive 
a reinforcement, to remove the remainder — that his troops 
were reduced to less than 100 men, and were daily diminish- 
ing, and that both men and horses were worn down by fatigue. 

On the morning of the 2Sth, the convention sent major 
Lawrence to General Washington with a letter, enclosing 
General Woodhull's letter of tl e preceding evening, and 
stated it to be their opinion that the stock on the Island might 
be saved from the enemy by the aid of Smith and Remsen's 
regiments, and that it was practicable to send them there. 

On the receipt of General Woodhull's letter of that morning, 
the convention appointed John Sloss Hobart and James 
Townsend, esq'rs. two of their members, to repair ti> General 
Woodhull to aid him with their counsel. I'hey however, 
unhappily, never reached him. 

The convention also sent David Gelston, esq another of 
their members, to the governor of Connecticut, to solicit him 
to send over 1000 of the militia of that state to aid the militia 
on Long-Island. 

Under the impression that Smith and Remsen's regiments 
would be sent to reinforce General Woodhull, the convention 
sent Mr. Van Wyck, a member from Queens county, to Flush- 
ing, to make arrangements for their transportation. 

At 5 o'clock in the afternoon of the 28th, Major Lawrence 
returned with a letter from General Washington to the con- 
vention, in which he informed them that his situation was such 
that Smith and Remsen's regiments could not be spared. 

The convention immediately appointed Samuel Townsend, 
esq. another member fron) Queens, to convey the intelligence 
to General Woodhull, then too late to be of any service to 
him. 

The same evening the convention resolved to adjourn, to 
meet at Fishkill the ensuing Monday, the 2d of September, 
which was suspended by notice of a motion to re-cons ider the 
vote, which, on the morniiig of the 29th, was put, and lost, 
and they adjourned agreeable to their resolution of the pre- 
ceding evening. 

At this critical moment, the situation of General Woodhull 
was peculiarly embarrassing. If he had not received encour- 
agement that he should be relieved, the smallness of his force 
would have justified an immediate retreat. 



Every communication from the convention, from wlioni lie 
received his orders, imported it to be their wish that he should 
retain bis station in the western part of Queens county, and 
encouraged bim to expect a reinforcement. Tiie omission of 
any intelligence to the contrary, with the delay of the return 
of his brigade major, who was detained by the conventioii, 
was calculated to strengthen that expectation. 

To have retreated under these circumstances would have 
been a violation of military rules, and in case of reliefs being 
sent, would have been deemed highly dishonorable. 

In this emergency, the General had no counsel but his own 
honorable feelings to consult, and he adopted the course which 
they dictated He resolved not to make a final retreat until 
he heard from the convention. 

On the morning of the 28th, the General ordered his troops 
to fall back, and take a station about four miles east of Jamai- 
ca, and there to remain till further orders. 

The General remained at Jamaica till afternoon, in momen- 
tary expectation of a message from the convention. He then 
retired slowly with only one or two companions, still indul- 
ging the hope of intelligence from the convention, until he 
fell a sacrifice to his reliance on their vigilance and his own 
high sense of militar}' honor, which forbid his abandoning the 
station assigned him, however perilous, before he was assured 
that relief v/as hopeless, or he had orders to that eftect. 

A severe thunder shower, as is supposed, obliged him to 
take refuge in a public house about two miles east of Jamaica, 
aud before he left it, he was overlaken by a detachment of the 
17th regiment of British dragoons, and the 71st regimentBrit- 
ish infantry, accompanied by some of the disaffected inhabi- 
tants as pilots. 

The General immediately gave up his sword in token of 
his surrender. The ruffian who first approached him, (said 
to be a major Baird, of the 71st.) as is reported, ordered him 
to say, " God save the King," the General replied, "God 
save us all," on which he most cowardly and cruelly assailed 
the defenceless General with his broad sword, and would have 
killed him upon the spot, if he had not been prevented by 
the interference of an officer of more honor and humanity, 
(said to be major Delancey of the drngoons,) who arrested his 
savage violence. 

The General was badly wounded in the head, and one of 
his arms was mangled from the shoulder to the wrist. He 
was then taken to Jamaica, were his wounds were dressed, 
and with other prisoners, was confined in the stone church 
there, till some time the next dav. He ^vas then conveyed to 

17 



130 

Gravesend, and with about eighty other prisoners (of whloh 
number Col. Robert Troup, of New-York, was one) was con- 
fined in a vessel which had been employed to transport live 
stock for the use of the army, and was wfthout accommoda- 
tions for health or comfort. 

The General was released from the vessel, on the remon- 
strance of an officer who had morehumanity than his superiors, 
and was removed to an house near the cliurch in New-Utrecht, 
where he was permitted to receive some attendance and medi- 
cal assistance. 

A cut in the joint of the elbow rendered an amputation of 
the arm necessary. As soon as this was resolved on, the Gen- 
eral sent for his wife, with a request that she would bring with 
her all the money that she had in her possession, and all that 
she could procure, which was complied with, and he had it 
distributed among the American prisoners, to alleviate their 
sufferings — thus furnishing a lesson of humanity to his ene- 
mies, and closing a useful life by an act of charity. 

He then suffered the amputation, which soon issued in a 
mortification, which terminated his life September the 20th, 
1776, in the fifty-fourth year of his age. 

The General left only one child, who is now living on her 
paternal estate at Mastic, in Brookhaven, and is the widow of 
the late general Joiin Smith, deceased. 

It is said that one of the battaliojis that v/as employed in 
this inglorious warfare against an unresisting individual, or 
some other one, was commanded by a Major Crea, a distant 
kinsman of the General, and that when lie came to be appri- 
zed of thai fact, and of the circumstances of the case, he was 
so disgusted that he either resigned his commission and quit 
the service, or obtained permission to leave the army and 
returned to England. The whole of the transactions of that 
period; bear the marks of inexperience and improvidence, of 
precipitation and alarm. 

The talents of General Woodhull were adapted to a milita- 
ry' station. With personal courage, he possessed judgment, 
decision, and firmness of character, tempered with conciliating 
manners, which commanded the respect and obedience of his 
troops, and at the same time, secured their confidence and 
esteem. 

He had more military experience than most of the early 
officers of the revolutionary army, and no one in this state, 
at that time, promised to make a belter general officer. 

The nature of the service in which the General was employ- 
ed, and the force placed under his command, were alike un- 
worthy of him. 



131 

The object of the expedition was to compel the enemy to 
retire, or to weaken them and bring them to terms, by pre- 
venting^ their obtaining the means of subsistence, either by 
removing the supplies out of their reach, or by destroying 
them. 

It was not intended that the troops under his command 
should join the army, or engage any portion of the enemy, 
except such as shoidd be detached in pursuit of supplies ; nor 
would his force, if it had all been collected, have been adequate 
to more important exertions. The expedition was more suit- 
able for the command of a subordinate officer ; and prudence 
would have dictated that the General should have been reser- 
ved for a service in which his talents and experience were 
needed, and in which they could have been exerted. 

Before the 27th, while the American army held the enemy 
in check, and prevented their detaching any considerable force 
from their main bod}', there was some ground for the conven- 
tion to believe that a reinforcement of Smith and Remsen's 
regiments would enable General Woodhull to effect the objects 
of the expedition, and the want of information that the chan- 
ges in the army before that time prevented those regiments 
being sent to reinforce General Woodhull, agreeable to the 
encouragement which they had received from the command- 
der-in-ciiief, authorized them to require him to keep his sta- 
tion. After that day the scene was changed. The fatal 
neglect to guard the left wing of the American army in the 
action of the 27th, furnished an inroad for the enemy, by 
which they intercepted and surprised the troops engaged with 
their centre and left wing — surrounded the American encamp- 
ment — cut off all communication with General Woodhull, and 
were at liberty to send what force they pleased against him. 

Tlie General, in his letters of that date, intimated his belief 
that the relief they sought had become impracticable, and evi- 
dently indicated a wish for orders to retire. A disregard of 
his suggestions by the convention, caused the delay which 
resulted in his capture. 

If the aid of Smith and Remsen's regiments could have been 
obtained, it would have been unavailing. It was in vain to 
expect that 1000 militia could withstand a force before which 
the American army had retired, and it was idle to make fur- 
ther effirts to procure the reinforcement. 

The change effected in the relations of the two armies by 
the action of the 27th, indeed defeated the object of the expe- 
dition, and rendered the further prosecution of it useless and 
impracticable, and the convention owed it to themselves as 



132 

well as to General Woodhuil to issue immediate orders for 
him to retire. 

The omission of the convention also to establish a regular 
and constant correspondence with the General, kept him iu 
ignorance of the operations of the two armies, as well as of 
their own measures, and prevented his taking those precau- 
tions for his own safety which his situation required. 

The capture of General Woodhuil was one of the most 
calamitous events of that disastrous period. It deprived the 
country of the talents, the experience and counsels of one of 
the ablest and most patriotic of her citizens. 

The cruel and dastardly treatment of a prisoner, especially 
of his rank and character, after ». peaceable surrender, roused 
a spirit of indignation in the breast of every honest and disin- 
terested man. 

It contributed to alienate the afiections of the people from a 
country, whose officers were capable of such unprincipled bar- 
barity, and to strengthen the determination of all ranks, to 
adhere to the resolution then recently adopted by the conti- 
nental congress and the convention of this state, to render the 
United States independent of her control. 

General Woodhuil was as much distinguished for his private 
and domestic virtues as for his zeal for the rights of his coun- 
try, and was held in the highest estimation by all those who 
enjo^'ed his society, or had the pleasure of an intimate ac- 
quaintance with him. 

His death spread a gloom over Long-Island — was univer- 
sally lamented by the friends of freedom, to whom he was 
known, as well as by all those to whom he was endeared by 
social relations ; and while the American revolution contin- 
ues to be a subject of gratitude with the people of Long- 
Island, his memory will be cherished among their fondest 
recollections. 



Correspondence between General Woodhuil and the 
Convention. 

August 25th, 177G, General Woodhuil wrote to the con- 
vention. The letter cannot be found, but the contents may 
be inferred from the following answer : 

^vgust26th, 1776. 

Sir — Your's of yesterday is just come to hand, in answer to 
wiiicii we would inform you, that Robert Town^end, the son 
of Samuel Townsend, esq. is appointed commissary for the 
troops under your command, of which we hope you will give 



133 

him the earliest notice ; and that we have made application to 
General Washington for the regiments under the command of 
Cols. Smith and Remsen, to join \ou. He assured our com- 
mittee that he would issue out orders immediately for that pur- 
pose, and we expect that they are upon the spot by this time. 

Confiding in your known prudence and zeal in the com- 
mon cause, and wishing you the protection and blessing of 
heaven, 

We are, with respect, your very 
humble servants. 
By order, &c. ABRAHAM YATES, Jun. 
To Gen. Nathaniel Woodhdll. 

Jamaica, Avgust27iJi^ 1776. 

Gentlemen — I am now at Jamaica with less than 100 men, 
having brought all the cattle from the westward and south- 
ward of the hills, and have sent them off with the troops of 
horse, with orders to take all the rest eastward of this place, 
to the eastward of Hempstead Plains, to put them into fields 
and to set a guard over ihem. 

The enemy, I am informed, are entrenching southward, aii^ 
from the heights near Howard's. 

I have now received yours, with several resolutions, which 
I wish it was in my power to put in execution ; but unless 
Cols. Smith and Remsen, mentioned in yours, join me with 
their regiments, or some other assistance immediately, I shall 
not be able, for the people are all moving east, and I cannot 
get any assistance from them. I shall continue here as lono- 
as I can, in hopes of a reinforcement ; but if none comes soon, 
I shall retreat and drive the stock before me into the woods. 

Cols. Smith and Remsen, I think, cannot join me. Unless 
you can send me some other assistance, I fear I shall soonbe 
obliged to quit this place. I hope soon to hear from you. 
I am, gentlemen, your most humble serv't. 

NATHANIEL WOODHULL. 
To the Hon. Convention of 
the State of New-York. 

Westward of Queens County, August 21th, 177G. 
Gentlemen — Inclosed I send you a letter from Col. Potter 
who left me yesterday at 1 1 o'clock, after bringing about 100 
men to me at Jamaica. Major Smith, I expect has all the 
rest that were to come from Sufl'olk county. Tliere have 
about 40 of the militia joined me from the regiments in Queens 



134 

county, and about 50 of the troop belonging to Kings and 
Queens counties, which is nearly all I expect. I have got all 
the cattle southward of the hills in Kings county, to the east- 
ward of the cross-road between the two counties, and have 
placed guards and sentinels from the north road to the south 
side of the Island, in order to prevent the cattle's going back, 
and to prevent the communication of the tories with the enemy. 
I am within about six miles of the enemy's camp : their light 
horse have been within about two miles, and unless I have 
more men, our stay here will answer no purpose. We shall 
soon want to be supplied with provisions, if we tarrv here. 
1 am, gentlemen, vour most ob'dt. humble serv't, 

NATHANIEL WOODHULL. 
The Hon. Convention of New- 
York, at Harlfem. 

Jamaica, August 2Sth, 1776. 

Gentlemen — I wrote two letters to you yesterday, one by 
express and another b}' Mr. Harper, and also sent my brigade- 
major to you, to let you know my situation, and I expected 
an answer to one of them last night, but my express informed 
me that he was detained till last night for an answer. 

1 have now received yours of the 26th, which is only a copy 
of the last, without a single word of answer to my letter, or the 
message by my brigade-major. I must again let you know 
my situation. I have about 70 men and about 20 of the troop, 
which is all the force I have or can expect, and I am daily 
growing less in number. The people are so alarmed in Suf- 
folk, that they will not an3Mnore of them march; and as to 
Cols. Smith and Remsen, they cannot join me, for the com- 
munication is cut off between us 1 liave sent about 1100 
cattle to the great fields on the plains, yesterday. About 300 
more have gone off this morning to the satiie place, and I have 
ordered a guard of an officer and seven private^. They 
ran get no water in those fields. My men and horses are 
worn out with fatigue. The cattle are not all gone off to- 
wards Hempstead. I ordered them off yesterday ; but they 
were not able to take them along. I yesterday brought about 
300 from Newtown. I think the cattle are in as much dan- 
ger on the north side as on the south side ; and have ordered 
the inhabitants to remove them, if you cannot send me an im- 
mediate reinforcement. 

I am, he. 

NATHANIEL WOODHULL. 
The Hon. Convention of 
New-York. 



135 

Correspondence between the Convention and Gen. Washington. 
Wednesday morning, Aug..2Qth, 1776. 
Sir — T am commauded by the convention to enclose to 
your Excellency the copy of a letter they received last even~ 
ing from Gen. Woodhull.. The convention are of opinion 
that the enemy may be prevented from g^etting the stock and 
grain on Long-island, if the regiments under the command 
of Ool. Smith and Col. Remsen be sent to joinHJen. Wood- 
hull. That this junction may be effected, and how, Major 
Lawrence, wiio is a member of this convention and the bear- 
er hereof, will inform your Excellency. 

1 have the honor to be, with great respect, 
Your Excellency's most obedient servant. 

By order, ABRAHAM YATES. 

His Excellency Gen. Washington. 

L':ng- Island, Jlug. 2Sih, 1776. 
Sir — I was just now honored with your favor of this date, 
with General Woodhull's letter, and should esteem myself 
happy, were it in my power to afford the assistance required, 
hut the enemy having landed a considerable part of their force, 
here, and at the san^e time may have reserved some to attack 
New-York, it is the opinion, not only of myself, but of all 
my general officers I have had an opportunity of consulting 
with, that the men we have are not more than competent to 
the defence of those lines, and the several posts which must be 
defended. This reason, and this alone, prevents my comply- 
ing with your request. 1 shall beg leave to mention, in con- 
fidence, that a few days ago, upon the enemy's first landing 
here, I wrote to Governor Trumbull, recomnending him to 
throw over a body of 1000 men on the Island to annoy the 
enemy in their rear, if the state of the colony would admit of 
it. Whether it will be done I cannot determine. That colony 
having furnished a large proportion of men, I xvas, and still 
am, doubtful whether it could be done. If it could, I am satis- 
fied it will, from the zeal and readiness they have ever shown 
to give every possible succonri I am hopeful they will be in 
a condition to doit; and if they are, those troops, 1 doubt not, 
will be ready and willing to give General Woodhull any 
assistance he may want. But cannot the militia effect what 
he wishes to do f They, I believe, must be depended on in 
the present instance for relief. 

I have the honor to be, in great haste, 
Sir, your most obedient servant, 

GEORGE WASHINGTON. 
The Hon. Abhauam Yates. 



136 

Continuaiion of the correspondence by the Committee of Safety. 

King's Bridge, Aug 20th, 1776. 
Sir — In our way to Fishkill, agreeable to an adjournment 
of the convention, we are informed that the army on Long- 
Island is removed to the city of New-York ; and anxiety to 
know the fact, as well as to be informed whether you think 
any measures necessary for us to take, induces us to trouble 
your Lxcellency at this time for an answer hereto. We have 
ordered, last night, all the militia of the counties of Ulster, 
Dutchess, Orange, and Westchester, to be ready, on a min- 
ute's warning, with five days provisions. We shall wait the 
return of our messenger at this place, and are, 

Sir, your most obed't and very humble serv't. 

By order. ABRAHAM V ATES, Jun. 
His Excellency Gen. Washington. 

August oOth, 1 776. 

Sir — Your favor of this date is just come to hand. Cir- 
cumstanced as this army was, in respect to situation, strength, 
&c. it was the unanimous advice of a council ofgeneral officers, 
to give up Long-Island, and not by dividing our force, be una- 
ble to resist the enemy in any one point of attack This rea- 
son, added to some others, particularly the fear of having our 
communication cutoff from the main, of which there seemed 
to be no small probability, and the extreme fatigue our troops 
were laid under in guarding such extensive lines witliout pro- 
per shelter from the weather, induced the above resolution. 

It is the most intricate thing in the v/orld, sir, to know in 
what manner to conduct one's self with respect to the militia. 
If you do not begin many days before they are wanted to raise 
them, you cannot have them in time. If you do, they get 
tired and return, besides being under very little order or 
government whilst in service. 

However, if the enemy have a design of serving us at this 
place, as wo apprehend they meant to do on Long-Island, it 
might not be improper to have a body in readiness, to prevent 
or retard a landing of them east of Harlsem river, if need be. 
In haste, and not a little fatigued, 

I remain, with great respect and esteem, 

Sir, your most obedient humble servant, 

GEORGE WASHINGTOiW 
Tlie hon. Abraham Yates, Esq. 



137 

A list of the Field Officers and Captains of the New-Yorh 
troops employed in the French war, in 1758, 59 and 60 : 

CHIEF COLONELS. 

1759. 1760. 

John Johnson, none. 

COLONELS. 

Barihol. Le Rou>fe, Bavthol. Le RouJ^ 
Michael Thotly, f Isaac Corsa, 

Nath. Woodhull. 



1758. 
Oliver Delancey, 

Taylor Woolsey, 
Beamsly Glacier, 



Charles Clinton, 
Barthol. Le Rou)^, 
Isaac Corsa. 

Nath. Woodhull, 
Michael Thody, 
George Brewerton. 

Thomas Terry, 
Elias Hand, 
Gilbert Potter.J 

Richard Hulet, 
Thomas Williams, 
Daniel Wright. 

Peter Stuyvesant. 

Thos. Arrowsmith. 

Peter Dubois, 
John McEvers, 
Francis Moore, 
George Brewerton. 



LIEUT. COLONELS. 

Isaac Corsot 



MAJORS. 

Myndert Roseboom 



CAPTAINS. — Suffolk. 

Gilbert Potter, 
Barnabas Tuthill, 
Stephen Sayre. 

(Queens. 
Daniel Wright, 
Richard Hulet, 
Ephraim Mors. 

Kings. 

Richmond, 
Thos. Arrowsmith. 

JVew- York. 
George Brewerton, 
Richard Smith, 
Vandine Ellsworth, 
Tobias Van Zant. 



George Brewerton, 
Myndert Roseboom, 
Goosen Van Schaick 

John Paulding, 
Joshua Bloomer, 
Wra. W. Hoogan, 

Israel Hortou, 
Jonathan Baker, 
Jesse Piatt. 

Daniel Wright, 
Ephraim Mors, 
George Dunbar. 

Isaac Middagh. 

Anthony Waters. 

Nathaniel Hubble, 
Abra. De Forest, 
Barnabas Byrnes, 
Francis Thodv. 



* One Col. in 1758, and one Lieut. Col. and one Major, in 1759, arc unknown. 

i A number of these officers, as well as the subalterns and privates, also ser'/ed la 
the revolutionary war, and the knowledge and experience they acquired in the French 
war, was of considerable service to the country, and a few of them joined the British. 

t Jacob Smith, a brother of JefFei-y Smith, esq. of Smithtown, a lieutenant in Capt. 
Potter's company, received a wound in the action at Ticonderoora, July 8th, 1758, of 
which he died the 15th, of whS^Iajor Woodhull, iu his letter to las father, says, he 
had behaved himself both like a soldier and a christiau— his life w as much desired, aud 
bis death is much boienled by all bis acquaintance. 

Jd 



138 



fVestchester. 

1758. 1759. 

John Ver Plauk, William Gilchrist, 
Reuben Lockwood, James Holmes, 
Jonathan Ogden, Joshua Bloomer, 
Jonathan Fowler. Jonathan Haight. 

Dutchess. 
John Pawling, John Pawling, Richard Rhea, 

William Humphrey, Samuel Bladglc}', Jacobus Swartvvout, 
Samuel Bladgley, Jacobus Swartwout, Peter Harris, 



17G0. 
William Gilchrist, 
Jonathan Haight, 
Henry Bayens. 



m^ Joseph Crane. 

John P. Smith, 
James Howell. 



Richard Rhea. 

Orange. 

James Howell. 



John Van Ness. - 



James Howell. 



Ulster. 
Ebenezer Seely, James Clinton, James Clinton, 

Steph. Nottingham. Corns. Van Beuren. Corns. Wyncoop, 

jilbany. 
Peter Yates, Goosen Van SchaickStephen Schuyler, 

Peter Conyne, Peter Conyne, Christopher Yates, 

Lucas Van Veghten, Philip Lansing, Peter Bain. 
Goosen Van SchaickHendrick Herkimer. 
Guy Johnson. 

A list of field Officers and captains of the militia of Long' 

Island, who were in service in 1 776. 
Captains Daniel Roe, John Hulbert, 

Daniel Griffin, John Davis. 

These captains, with their companies, were stationed at the 
east end of the Island, in the spring and summer of 1776, 
under the command of Col. Henry B. Livingston. 

Within the American lines at Brooklyn, August, 177G. 

Col. Josiah Smith, Col. Jeromus Remsen, 

Lieut. C«l. John Sands, Lt. Col. Nicholas CovenhoveDj 

Major Abraham Remsen, Major Richard Thome, 

Caj^ tains. 
John Wickes, Benjamin Birdsall, 

Nathaniel Piatt, David Laton, 



Selah Strong, 
Ezckiel Mulford, 
Paul Reeve, 



John W. Seaman, 
Daniel Rapelye, ---^ 
Andrew Onderdonk. 



139 

Officers ivho were with Gen. WoodhuU, Aug. 26, 27, and 28fAy 

1776. 

Major Jesse Brush ; Capt. Alexander Ketcham ; Lieut. 
Com. Jonah Wood ; do. Stephen Abbot, of the Suliblk 
troops. 

Capt. Ephraim Bayles, of the troops from Queens. 

Kings County troop of Horse. 
Capt. William Boerum, Lieut. Thomas Everit, Ensign 
Isaac Sebring. 

Queens County troop of Horse. 
Capt. Daniel Whitehead, Lieut. William Sacket. 



Sketch of Col. William Smith. 

Col. William Smith was born at Newton near Higham Fer- 
rers, in Northamptonshire in England, February 2d, 1655. 

It seems that in his youtli he was destined for the active scenes 
of life, and it is not probable that he received either a classical 
or legal education. He however possessed a vigorous mind, 
with a versatility of genius capable of attaining distinction in 
any employment to which it was applied. 

The family probably were attached to the royal cause, as 
he seems to have been in great favour with Charles II, which 
was continued during the reigns of James II, William and 
Mar}', and while he continued under queen Ann. 

Charles II, in 1675, appointed him governor of Tangiers, 
which place, as well as Bombay, was given to hin) by the king 
of Portugal, as a part of the marriage portion of his wife, queen 
Catharine, the daughter of that king; and he probably at the 
same time gave him the commission of colonel, and the con)- 
mand of the troops necessary to protect an establishment on 
that barbarous coast. 

It was intended to make Tangiers a place of trade, and to 
establish a colony there. The project, howe\ er, did not suc- 
ceed; and in 1683 the place was abandoned, and Col. Smith 
returned to England. 

After his return, he embarked in trade in London, and con- 
tinued in business until he left the country. 

It would also seem that Col. Smith was for a short time con- 
cerned in trade after his arrival in this country, and may have 
come over for that purpose. There is an entry of a note on 
the records of Brookhaven, bearing date April 23, 1690, given 
by Col. Thomas Dongan, the late governor of the province, 



140 

to Col. Smith, for £99 3, purporting to be for goods, in whicii 
the colonel is styled a merchant. 

Col. Smith arrived with his family at New-York August 6th, 
1686. He very early visited Brookhaven, and seems to have 
taken a fancy to a valuable neck of land there, called Little 
Neck, which was held in shares by various proprietors, who 
ivere in some dispute about the premises. 

Governor Dongan aided him in eflecting the purchase. He 
wrote to the proprietors, and recommended it to them to sell 
out to Col. Smith, as the best mode of terminating the contro- 
versy, to which a considerable proportion of them agreed; and 
on the 22d October, 1687, Col. Smith made his first purchase 
in Brookhaven. 

In 1689, it is supposed, he removed to Brookhaven with his 
family, and took up his permanent residence there. 

After his settlement at Brookhaven, Col Smith made a pur- 
chase of a large tract of country, extending from the country 
road to the South Bay, and from the Fireplace river to Mas- 
tic river, to which the town assented, and which with his for- 
mer purchases was erected into a manor, by the name of St. 
George's manor, by patent of Col. Fletcher in 1693; and sub- 
sequent to this he purchased all the lands unpurchased, lying 
between his former purchase and the bounds of Southampton, 
which were annexed to his manor by another patent of Col. 
Fletcher in 1697, whose grants to individuals were so extra- 
vagant, that several of them were annulled by an act of the col- 
ony legislature, under the succeeding administration. 

Governor Slaughter arrived at New-York March 19th, 1691, 
and on the 25th he appointed Col. Smith one of the members 
of the council; he also appointed him one of the commissioners 
of oyer and terminer, which tried and convicted Leisler and 
bis associates. 

The supreme court was established by an act of the legisla- 
ture. May 6th, 1691 ; consisting of a chiefjustice, with a sala- 
ry of £130 ; a second judge, with a salary of £100; and three 
other judges, without a salary. On the 1 5th, the governor and 
council appointed Josepli Dudley chiefjustice, Thomas John- 
son the second judge, and Col. Smith, Stephen Van Cortland, 
and William Pinhorne, the other judges. Col. Smith was at 
the same time appointed a judge or delegate of the prerogative 
court for the county of Suffolk. 

Col. Fletcher arrived and took upon him the government, 
August 29th, 1692. 

November 11th, 1692, the seat of Joseph Dudley was vaca- 
ted for non-residence, and Col. Smith was appointed chiefjus- 
tice in his room. 



141 

June 8tb, J 693, Col. Smith was appointed to the command 
of the militia oi Suffolk county, in place of Col. John Youngs, 
who had long held that office, but whose age rendered him in- 
competent any longer to discharge the duties required of him. 

It is not known that Col. Smith took any part in politics 
under Leisler's administration ; but he was one of the court 
that convicted him, and was on that account obnoxious to the 
party attached to Leisler. 

April 2d, 1698, a new governor, the earl of Bellamont, ar- 
rived, and entered upon office. He immediately joined the 
friends of Leisler, and seems at once to have imbibed the feel- 
ings and resentments of the party, and was led by his zeal to 
gratify his friends whose cause he had espoused, to lend his 
official patronage to prostrate their opponents, by removing 
them from all places of power and influence. 

The majority of the council were anti-Leislei*ians ; and his 
first effort was to change the political complexion of that body 
by removing such as were obnoxious to him, and introducing 
his favourites in their room. Wm. Nicolls was the first victim 
to the spirit of party ; and the proscription was continued till 
his lordship had suspended more than half the members of the 
board. 

October 30th, 1700, the governor removed Col. Smith from 
the office of chief justice, and appointed Stephen Van Cortland, 
the second judge, who belonged to the same party with Col. 
Smith, chief justice in his room. 

January 8th, 1701, his lordship informed the council that he 
had received information that William Atwood was appointed 
or about to be appointed to the office of chief justice of the 
colony; and moved that the salary allowed to the chief justice 
should be suspended from the 25th of December preceding, in 
order that the same might be reserved from that time for the 
new chief justice. 

The whole circumstances of the case, taken together, autho- 
rize a suspicion that the appointment of Atwood in England, 
to the office of chief justice, was effected by the intrigues of his 
lordship ; that, at tlie time of the appointment of Van Cortland 
to the office, he was well apprized of the probability of the 
success of his efforts ; that he had the same hostility to Mr. 
Van Cortland as to Col. Smith j and that he cunningly adopted 
the course which he pursued, as the least exceptionable, to get 
rid of them both at the same lime. Col. Smith's loyalty was 
so well known in England, and his standing with the ministry 
was probably such, that the governor durst not venture upon 
his removal from the council. 



142 

The earl Bellamont died Maich .Otli, 1701. The lieutenant 
governor, John Nanfan, was absent at Barbadoes at the time, 
and Col. Smith became president in virtue of his being the old- 
est member of the council; and he claimed the right to exer- 
cise the power of commander-in-chief, as incident to that station. 
This claim was opposed by the adherents of Leisler in the 
council, and denied by the assembly, a majority of whom were 
of the same party; and Smith states that this was afterwards 
the opinion of the lords of trade. Col. Smith, however, never 
exercised any of the executive duties of the government, before 
the controversy was settled by the arrival of ihe lieutenant gov- 
ernor, the 19th of May ensuing. 

The minutes of the supreme court, while chief justice Smith 
presided, from October 4th, 1G9.3 to October 5th, 17Q0, are in 
the library of the Historical Society, in a good state of pres- 
ervation. 

August 4th, 1701, Atwood took the oath of office as chief 
justice, and the next day was qualified and took his seat as a 
member of the council 

The court then consisted of Wm. Atwood, chief justice, and 
of Abraham DePeister and Robert Walters, judges, and con- 
tinued to be thus organized till lord Corubury's arrival, who 
entered on his administration May 3d, 1702. Lord Cornbury 
espoused the anti-Leislerian party; and Atwood, who was ac- 
cused of perverting the law to prostrate a political opponent, 
in the case of Nicholas Bayard the March preceding, aban- 
doned his seat and retired from the colony. 

June 9th, 1702, the governor re-appointed Col Smith to the 
office of chief justice, which he held till April 1703. 

April 5th, 1703, the governor informed the council that he 
had received a letter from the queen, appointing John Bridges, 
LL D., the second judge, chief justice of the colony ; upon 
which Doctor Bridges was qualified, and entered upon the 
office. Doctor Bridges held the office till July, 1704, when 
he died. 

July 15th, 1704, lord Cornbury appointed Roger Mofn- 
pesson chief justice,, who was qualified, and entered upon the 
office; and on the 5ih of February, 1705, was appointed a 
member of the council, and was qualified and look his seat at 
the board. 

Col Smith continued a member of the council till his death. 
He attended his duty in the board May 1 hh, 1704. He died 
at his seat at St. George's tnanor, in Brookhaveu, February 
18th, 1705, in the 5ist year of his age. 



143 

During the time Col. Smith held the ofiice of chief justice^ 
the colony vvas divided into rancorous parties, and the public 
measures were influi^nced by party spirit; but he seems to have 
discharged the duties of his office with dignity and impartiality. 

Col, Smith was married at Tangiers November Cth, 1675, 
to Martha, the daughter of Henry Tunstall esquire, of Putney, 
in the county of Surry in England, by whom he had six sons 
and seven daughters. 

Mrs. Smith is said to have been a well-bred lady, and emi- 
nently skilled in domestic economy. She survived her hus- 
band, and died Scptnnber 1st, 1709. 

Several of Col. Smith's descendants have been distinguished 
by public stations. 

Henry Smith, his eldest son, was clerk of the county from 
1710 to 1710, and for many years one of the judges of the 
court of common pleas of .Suiffolk county, and SLdelegate of the 
prerogative court for taking the proof of WKES and granting 
letters testamentary and letters of administration for that county. 

Col, Wiir-am Smith, the son of Henry, and grandson of the 
judge, was clerk of the same county from 1730 to 1750, and 
was ajudge of the county for severalyears before the revolution. 
William, son of the judge's son William, artother grandson of 
Col. Smith was a member of the provincial congress or con- 
vention from that county in 1776; and ou the organization of 
the suue constitution, in April 1777, he was appointed one of 
the senators (or the southern district, which seat he occupied 
till the end of the war. 

The Rev. ( aleb Smith, a son of the judge's son Williamj 
and grandson of the judge, graduated at Yale College in 1743, 
became a minister, and settled at Orange, a village about four 
miles from Newark, in IVew Jersey. He preached the funeral 
sermon of President Burr, in 1757; and is said, by an intelli- 
gent correspondent, to have been " one of the greatest men of 
his da}', eminent for his piety, learning, and abilities." 

His son, the late General John Smith, the great-grandson of 
Col. Smith, was a member of the convention of this state that 
adopted the constitution of the United States, was a member of 
the assembly from Suffolk county a number of years, then a 
member of the house of representatives, from which station he 
was elected by the legislature of the state of New-York to a seat 
in the senate of the United States ; and during the late war was 
appointed by the president and senate of the United States 
marshal of the district of New York, which office he held at 
the time of his death. 



144 



Col. Smitlrs estate chiefly remains in the family. The best 
part of St. George's Manor is now held in separate portions 
by William Smith, Wijlium Sidney Smith, and Thomas S. 
Strong, three of his'great grandsons. 

Sketch of William JVicoUs, Esq. 

William Nicolls was the son of Matthias Nicolls, who was 
descended from an ancient and honourable family at Islip in 
atmrshire in England, and came over with Col. Rich- 
ard Nicolls, who commanded the expedition which was sent to 
reduce t!ie Dutch iu New-York in 1664, and who was the gov- 
ernor of the colony under the duke of York, until 1667. 

Matthias IVicolls whs a relation of the governor, and was 
by liim appointed secretary of the colony and member of the 
council. 

lie was also authorized, by virtue of his office, to sit with 
the justices of the peace in the courts of sessions in the several 
ridings that were then organized. In 1672, he was mayor of 
the city of New-York. After the act of J 683, remodelling the 
courts of justice, he was appointed one of the judges of the 
colony. He officiated in his judicial capacity in Queens coun- 
ty, September 12th, 1687. 

It is supposed that he died about the year 1690. 

Matthias Nicolls made several purchases of valuable lands 
at Little Neck and Cow Neck, in Queens county. In 1687, 
he conveyed his lands at Little Neck to his son William, and 
those at Cow Neck were devised to him or descended to him. 
In 1719, William Nicolls conveyed his lands at Cow Neck to 
Joseph Latham, with a reservation of sixty feet square, where 
he states " his father Matthias Nicolls lies buried." 

It is supposed that William Nicolls was born in England, 
and came over a lad with his father in 1664. He received a 
legal education, and became a lawyer of good standing at the 
bar in New-York. He was clerk of Queens county in 1683, 
and held the office till 1688. 

In 1684, he made a purchase of lands at Islip, in Suffialk 
county. After this period, he made several purchases of large 
tracts of land, adjoining his first purchase, the whole of which 
were confirmed in 1697 by a patent of Col. Fletcher, who was 
distinguished for his extravagant grants of the public lands. 

In 1704, Mr. Nicolls became the proprietor of a tract of land 
on Shelter-Island, by virtue of a devise in the will of Giles 
Sylvester, comprehending a large proportion of that Island. 



145 

Mr. NicoUs was a warm friend of liberty, and friendly to 
the revolution in favour of William and Mary, but was op- 
posed to the arbitrary and impolitic measures which were adop- 
ted by Leisler, rather it would seem to secure his authority 
than to advance the interests of the revolution. 

In consequence of his (iisapprobation of the course pursued 
by Leisler, he imprisoned him and others who had courage 
and iionesty enough to avow their sentiments relative to pub- 
lic afliiirs. 

In .March, 1691, Governor Slaugiiter arrived, called Lelslei* 
to account, liberated XicoUs and other state prisoners, and 
settled the foundations of the future government of the colony. 

3Iarch 23d, the governor appointed Mr. Nicolb a member 
of the council. 

In 1695, Mr. Nicolls was sent to England by the assembly, 
as the agent of the colony, in order to solicit the interference 
of the crown to enforce the contributions which had been allot- 
ted to the otiier colonies for the defence of the country against 
the encroacliments of the French, which fell with unequal 
weight upo:i the colony of New- York; aud for which they 
allowed inm £1,000. 

In 1693, he was suspended from the council by the new- 
governor, the earl of BelUmont, who on his first arrival seems 
to have embraced the views and adopted the feelings of the 
Leislerian party, and exerted his ofiicial influence to crush 
their opponents. 

in 1701, Mr. Nicolls was elected a member of assembly for 
the county of SuiTolk ; but not being at the time a resident of 
the county, as was required by law, he was not suffered to hold 
his seat. 

To avoid a similar result, it is supposed that he then fixed 
his residence permanently on Great Neck, in Islip, which af- 
terwards became the principal seat of the family. 

In 1702. Ise was again elected a member of assembly for 
SiirTolk, and was by the house elected to the speaker's chair. 

He was from that time regularly elected a member of every 
succeeding assembly till his death, and by every assembly was 
elected their speaker. In 1718, he resigned the speaker's 
chair on account of his health, which seems wholl3' to have 
prevented his attendance a (ew of the last years of his life. 

He was a member of assembly twenty one years in succes- 
sion, and speaker sixteen years of the time. 

Mr. NicoUs was a lawyer of considerable distiuctioii. 

19 



146 

March 30th, lG9i. Mr. Nicolls, nuh James FmmatI and 
George Farrawell, were appointed kuig's council, to conduct 
the prosecution against Leisler and his associates. 

He was one of the council employed by Nicholas Bayard m 
March, 1702, in his defence against a political prosecution 
instituted by John Nanfan, the lieutenant governor, and pur- 
sued with all the violence and bitterness of part}' rancour, for 
circulating and signing petitions to the king and parliament, 
in which the abuses of power by his Honour and his friends 
were enumerated : a report of which case is published in the 
state trials of that year. 

Mr. Nicolls was also one of the council employed in the de- 
fence of Francis McKemie, a presbyterian clergyman, in June, 
1707, who was indicted for preaching, which was brought 
about by the bigotry of the governor, h>rd Cornbury : a nar- 
rative of which is contained in a pamphlet published in New- 
York in 1755. 

Mr. Nicolls was twice married. One of his wives was Anna 
Van Rensselaer, daughter of Jeremiah Van Rensselaer esq. 
and widow of Killian Van Rensselaer, v»ho was the heir of the 
original proprietor of the manor of Rensselaerwick. 

Mr. Nicolls served In the assembly at a period when the 
colony was divided into bitter parties, and when a variety of 
interesting questions occurred between the governors and as- 
sembly, which affected tlie rights and independence of the as- 
sembly. On all these questions, Mr. Nicolls was on the side 
of the assembly. He appears to have been uniformly friendly 
to the principles of freedom; and both in his professional and 
political employments seems to have been a firm and decided 
friend to the rights of the people and the best interests of the 
colony. 

Mr. Nicolls died in 1723 or '24. He left a number of 
children ; and several of his descendants have been distin- 
guished by public stations. His eldest son Benjamin settled 
at Islip, and married Charit}', a daughter of Richard Floyd 
esquire,* by whom he had two sons, William and Benjamin. 
He died young, and his widow married the Rev. Doctor John- 
son, of Efc»lford, who was afterwards president of the college 

"Richard Floyd esquire was for several years one of the judges of the county of Suf- 
folk. He was the grandl'atlier of the late General \A"illivim Floyd, who was a delegate 
to the first Congress, and was continued a member during the greater part of the war, 
and was at the saire time entitled to a seat in the senate of the state of New-York. 

His biography in the history of the signers of the Declaration of Independence renders 
it improper to extend this note lurther, than to say that he was among the earliest, the 
most uniform, upright, and decided, of our revolutionary patriots ; and that he contin- 
ued to enjov tlie gratitude, confidence, and esteem, of bis fellow-citizens till his death. 
He died xVu-u3t 4lh, I'Jill, iigcd 87. 



147 

at New-York, nnder whose care her two sons received a libe- 
ral education ; and tliey afterwards both received a legal edu- 
cation. William inherited the estate of his father, and re- 
mained at Islip ; Benjamin settled in New-York, and acquired 
a distinguished rank at the bar. 

William Nicolls the second, the second son of Mr. Nicolls, 
to whom he devised his estate on Siielier-Island, «as educated 
a lawyer, and was a man of talents. He was a member of 
assembly for the county of Suftolk for twenty-nine years in 
succession, and during the last nine years was speaker of the 
house. He was first elected in 1739, and was re-elected a 
member of every succeeding asseitibly till his death. 

It is supposed that he died in the spring of 1 7G8. The gov- 
ernor. Sir Henry Moore, dissolved the assembly February 0th, 
1768; and it is a tradition that he was taken sick on his journey 
home, and died at a house on Henipst 'ad plains. 

The second William Nicolls resembled his father in his po- 
litical sentiments, and was a decided friend to the rights of the 
colonies. He is supposed to have concurred in the addresses 
to the king, lords, and commons, respectively, which were 
adopted by the assembly in 1764 and 1765, and which he 
signed as their speaker. 

These addresses abound with patriotic sentiments. In that 
of 1764, they say that " It would be the basest vassalage to be 
taxed at the pleasure of a fellow-subject." In that of 1765, 
they say that "An assumption of power by the British parlia- 
ment to tax the colonies, if acquiesced in or admitted, would 
make them mere tenants at will of his majesty's subjects ia 
Britain." 

W'm Nicolls the second died a bachelor, and his estate de- 
scended to William Nicolls the third, the eldest son of his bro- 
ther Benjamin Nicolls. William Nicolls the third was ap- 
pointed clerk of the county of Suffolk in 1750, and continued 
to hold that ofnce till his death in 1780. During the last four 
years of his life, the administration of justice was suspended 
by the war, and the office was without profit. 

It is also said that Mr. Nicolls, some time before his death, 
laboured under a partial paralysis, which disqualified him for 
business. His last entry on the records was made November 
8th, 1776. 

In March, 1768, William Nicolls the third was elected a 
member of assembly for the county of Sufiblk, with Eleazer 
Miller, to supply the vacancy occasioned by the death of his 
imcle. That assembly was dissolved January 2d, 1769. 

Mr. Nicolls was again elected in March, 1769; with Col. 
Nathaniel Woodhull. a member for Suffolk. 



148 * 

This was the last assembly under the colony government, 
and continued until it was superseded by the provincial con- 
gress or convention, which met May 22d, 1775. 

During tlie period of this assembly, ihe disputes between 
the mother country and the colonies arrived at a crisis. 

The British parliament determined that their claim to tax 
the colonies at their pleasure should be exerted. The colo- 
nies exhausted every effort of remonstrance and supplication 
without effect ; and no alternative was left hut submission or 
resistance. Further delay was useless. The time for action 
had arrived ; and the question, vvhetl)er the colonists were to 
be the vassals of the British parliament or to enjoy the rights 
of freemen, was to be decided by force. The prospect of a 
conflict so unequal, in which the result was so doubtful, stag- 
gered many who were friendly to the colonies. 1 he occasion 
required all the zeal and energy of the most ardent patriotism. 
Col, Woodhull was qualified for the crisis, and met it without 
dismay ; Mr. Nicolls was less energetic and decisive. 

Mr. Nicolls, on several important political questions, that 
might be deemed tests of principle, that were agitated by that 
assembly, leflt his colleague and voted with the ministerialists. 

Possibly he had flattered himself that the king and parlia- 
ment would relinquish the claim to tax America, or would 
abandon its exercise; and that, when he found the reverse to 
be the case, he was taken by surprise, and was unprepared for 
the event; and that the caution and timidity of advanced years 
may have prompted him to adopt a course he believed adapted 
to delay, or to prevent what he may have apprehended would 
prove to be a fruitless contest with the overwhelming power of 
Britain. 

Admitting that he was decided in his opposition to the mea- 
sures of parliament, it must be conct'ded that he wanted the 
energy and boldness of his grandfather and uncle, either of 
whom, judging from the course they took on minor occasions, 
involving similar principles, would have been at the head of 
the opposition. 

W'm Nicolls the 3d left two sons, William and Benjamin. 
He devised his estate at Shelter-Island to his son Benjamin, 
who is now liv ing, and his large estate ac Islip to his son Will- 
iam ; which, with the exception of a few farms which the legis- 
lature of the state of New-York thought proper to take out of 
the course of the law, by limitations in his will, after passing 
three descents, continues undiminished in the hands of the elder 
branch of the family. 



149 

The limitation expired in the person of the late W*m Nicoils 
of Islip, deceased ; and, in conseqiu-nce of his dying intestate, 
the estate descends to his three infant chihiren, a son and two 
daughters, as tenants in common. This estate, on the arrival 
of these c4iildren at age, will have been in guardianship, with 
the exception of five years, for 40 years in succession. 



SKETCH OF THE SEVERAL COURTS. 

Court of Assize, hoi den at JVew-York, October €th, 1G80. 
Present the Right. Hon. Sir Edmund Andross, Governor, 
Matthias Nicoils, ") 
William Dyre, } 

Frederick Flipson, )>Memhers of the Council. 
William Darvall, I 
Stephen Cortland, J 
Francis Rumbout, Mayor of the city of JSTeiv-Yorlc. 
William Beeknian,^ 
Thomas Lewis, | 
Peter Jacobs, ^Aldermen, 

Gulian Ver Plank, | 
Samuel Wilson, J 

Richard Betts, High Sheriff of Yorkshire. 
Thomas Topping, "| 

rt- K^i ^\T 'ji 11 V fustices of the East Ilidins^. 
Richard Woodhull, i * 

Jonas Wood, J 

Thomas VVillett, Justice of the JVorth Riding. 

James Habbard, ^ 

Elbert Elbertsen, V Justices of the West Riding. 

John Palmer, ) 

Andrew Teller, } ^ . . i aiL 

^ r Ar Vd I { Commissioners of Mb anil. 
Cornelius Van Dyke, ) j j 

Thomas Delavall, Justice of Esopus. 

Thomas Spaswill, ^ 

Nicholas Browne, \ Justices of JYew-Jersey, 

Joseph Parker, S 

John Gardiner, Chief J^istlce of J^aniuckef. 

JoirwS,^^^^"' \ ^'''^'''' ""f Pemaqnid. 



150 

Special Court of Assize held at Xew-York, June 29th, 1681. 

Anthony Brockholst, Commander in chief. 

Frederick Phillipse, ^ 

William Darvall, \ JM embers of the Council. 

Stephen Cortland, ) 

John Van Brngh,"j 

Thomas Lewis, j 

Peter Jacobs, V Aldermen. 

Samuel Wilson, | 

James Graham. J 

John Youngs, High Sheriff of Yorkshire. 

Thomas Topping, "] 

, . , J '' y Justices of the East Riding. 

Isaac Arnold, ,' ^ ^ 

Jonas Wood, j 

James Hubbard, ") 

Elbert'EIbens'en, >J^^f^oesofthe West Riding. 
Richard Stilwill, J 
John Pell, ^ 

„• I J n< ' II )- Justices of the JVortkRidini^, 
Richard Cornwell, i 

Thomas Hicks, J 

Thomas Delavall, Justice of Ssopus. 

John West, Justice of Pemaquid. 

High Sheriffs of Yorkshire from 1C65 to 1683. 

1665 , - - - - William Wells. 

1669 ' - - - - Robert Coe. 

1672 _ - - - John Manning. 

1675 - - - - Sylvester Salisbury, 

» 1676 - - - - Thomas Willet. 

1679 - - - _ Richard Betts. 

1681 - - - - John Youngs. 

Court of Oyer and Terminer under the act of 1683, held in 
Queens County, 1685. 



Matthias Nicolls, > / , 
John Palmer, ^ J '^"^^^^^ 



151 

Supreme Court under the act of Mat, Gth, 1091, held in 
JVeiv-York, October Ath, 1693. 

William Smith, Chief Justice. 

William Pinhorne, ^ 

Stephen Co^^rtland, ' r, 

Chidley Brooke, ^•'"^^^^ 

John Lawrence, J 
5th October, 1700. 
William Smith, (^hief Justice. 
Stephen Co)^rlland, ? t j 
Abraham De Peyster, 5 ° 

A list of the Judges and Clerks of Kings, Queens, and Suffolk, 
from 1605 to 1776, us far as they could be obtained. 

FOR KINGS. 

Court of Sessions, under the Dukeh Laws of 1660. June 
16th, 1669. 

Matthias Nicolls, Secretary, President. 

Cornelius Van Ruyven, Counsellor. " 

John Manning, ^ 

James Hubbard, \ Justices. 

Richard Belts, ) 7 Jurors. 

Under the act o/ 1683. April 7th, 1685. 
Elbert Elbertson ^ 

Samuel Spicer, [ r j- -,<> ^i -, 

James Cortelleau, .^f"^*^^^' ^^^^^^"^ 
Ruloir Marten, j '^'"''"''' ^- J^^^ors. 

Under the commission of Andross, 0/I688. ^^pril 2d, 1689. 
Court of Sessions and Common Pleas. 
Stephen Van Cordand, Judge of Court of"Pleas.^' 
James Cortelleau, ^ 

William Morris, It-- /-.//-» 

r» J D 1 > Justices of the Quorum. 

berardus Beckman, [ j x. ' 

— Nicholas Stillvvell, J 

Under Law of May 6th, 169 J, and under the Ordinance of 
May 15th, 16!:' 9. 
Gerardus Beekman, Judge of Coin. Pleas and the Justices. 
Judges. 
1715 Cornelius Sebring 
171S Cornelius Van Brunt 
1 720 Peter Stryker 
1722 Daniel Polhemus 



15Ji 

1724 Peter Cortilleau 
1729 Samuel Garretson 
1732 Ryck Suydam 
1739 Christoplier Cod wise 
1742 Johannes Lott 
1745 Abraham Lott 

1749 Isaac Sebring '' 

1752 Samuel Garretson, Barnabas Ryder, Charles DeBevois 
1761 Samuel Garretson, John I^efferts, Abraham Schenck 
1766 Samuel Garretson, John Lefferts, Cornelius Van Brunt 
1770 John Lefferls, Jeremiah Renisen, Philip Nagel 
1777 Englebert Lott, Jeremias Vanderbelt, Theodorus Pol- 
hemus 

Clerks of Kings. 
-From 1671 to 1682, John West 
1682 to 1684, Peter Smith 
1G84 to 1687, John Knight 
1687 to 1704, Jacobus Vanderwater 
1704 to 1715, Henry Filkin 
1715 to 1726, J. M/Sperling 
""^ 1726 to 1750, Adrian Hagemau 

1750 to 1775, Simon Boerum 
_- 1775 to 1777, John Rapelje 

Fou Q^EF:^'s 

Court of Sessions, under the Duke's Laws, June Sth, 1675. 
Matthias Nicolls, Secretary, President. 
Chidley Brooke, i'ounciUor. 
Sylvester Salisbury, High Sheriff, with the Justices of the 

county. 
Under commission ofAndross, of 1688, and act of 6 May 1691. 
Jvdgcs of Common Pleas. 
From 1688 to 1699, Thomas Hicks 
Under the Ordinance of 1 699. 
From 1699 to 1703, John Coe 

1703 to 1710, Thomas Willett 
1710 Thomas Willet and John Jackson 
1723 Thomas Willet, Isaac Hicks 
1730 Isaac Hicks, David Jones, John Tallman 
1734 David Jones, John Messenger, James Hazard 
1738 David Jones, James Hazard, Thomas Hicks 
1740 James Hazard, Thomas Hicks, John Willett ' 
May 1749 Thomas Hicks, John Willet, David Seaman 
Sept. 1749 Thomas Hicks, David Seaman. Joseph Sackett 
<75G Thomas Hicks, Jacob'^ Smith, Peiin Townsend 



153 

1757 Thon7as Hicks, Val H. Peters, Penn Townsend 
From 1771 to 1774, Thomas Hicks, Valentine H. Peters, 
Daniel Kissam 

Clerks of Queens. 

From 1683 to 1688, William Nicolls 

1688 to 1702, AiidnwGibb 

1702 to 1710, Samuel Clows 

1710 to 1722, Joseph Smith 

1722 to 1757, Andrew Clark 

, 1757 to 1770, Whitehead Hicks 

FOR SUFFOLK. 

Court of Sessions, under the Duke's haws, March dth, 1077. 
Matthias Nicolls, Secretary, President. 
Thomas Willet, Councillor, 
Thomas Baker, ^ 

John Topping, I Justices 

Isaac Arnold, f 

Richard Woodhull.j 

Court of Common Pleas, under the Act of May 6th, 1691. 
March 28th, 1G93. 

Isaac Arnold, Judge, with the Justices, 
Under the Ordinance of 1699. 
Judges of the Common Pleas. 
1723 Henry Smith, Benjamin Youngs, Richard Floyd 
1729 Henry Smith, Benjamin Youngs, Samuel Hutchinson 
1738 Henry Smith, Joshua Youngs, Thomas Chatfield 
1744 Daniel Smith, Joshua Youngs, Thomas ("hatfield 
1752 Richard Floyd, Elijah Hutchinson, Hugh fielston 
1764 Richard Floyd, Samuel Landon, Hugh Gelston 
1771 W^illiam Smith, Samuel Landon, Hugh Gelston 
1773 William Smith, Samuel Landon, Isaac Post 
March 28th, 1775 William Smith, Samuel Landon, Isaac 
Post 

Clerks of Suffolk. 
From 1669 to 1681, Henry Piersoa 
1681 to 1692, John Howell 
1692 to 1709, Thomas Helme 
1709 to 1716, Henrv Smith 
1716 to 1722, C. Congreve 
1722 to 1730, Samuel Hudson 
1730 to 1750, William Smith 
1750 to 1776, William Nicolls 
20 



154 

Members of Assembly from Long- Island, during the Colony 
Administration, from 169i to i775. 

FOR 

Nicholas Still well, from 1691 to 1693, 2 years. 

John Poland, 

Coert Stuyvesant, 

Johannis Van Ecklen, 

Henry Filkiu, 

Cornelius Sebring, 

BIyendert Coerten, 

Gerardus Beekman, 

Cornelius Sebring, 

Cornelius Van Brunt, 

Samuel Garretsen, 

Richard Stillwell, 

Johannes Lot, 

Abraham Lot, 

Dominicus Vanderveer, 

Abraham Schenck, 

Simon Boerum, 

John Rapelje, 

Member of the Council, Cornelius Van Ruyven. 

FOR QUEENS COUNTY. 

Daniel Whitehead, from 1691 to 1705, 14 years. 

John Robinson, - 1691 to 1693, 3 

John Jackson, - 1693 to )709, 16 

Jonathan Whitehead, - 1705 to 1709, 4 

John Tallman, - 1709 to 1710, 1 

John Tovvnsend, - 1709 to 1710, 1 

John Jackson, - 1710 to 1716, 6 

Thomas Willet, - 1710 to 1726, 16 

Isaac Hicks, - 1716 to 1739, 23 

Benjamin Hicks, - 1726 to 1737, 11 

David Jones, . - 1737 to 1759, 22 Spea- 

Thomas Cornell, - 1739 to 1759, 20[kerl3 

Thomas Hicks, - 1759 to 1761, 2[y(ars* 

* Da\-icl Jones esquire was a son of Major Thomas Jones, of Fort Neck, in Oystcrba3\ 
He was for some years one of the judges of Queens county. He was elected a member 
of the assembly for that county in 1737, and was successively elected to the same station 
till 1758, and was speaker of the house during 13 years o! hat period ; and, during the 
chief part if not the whole of the time, conduc ted the correspondence with the agent of 
the colony at the court of Great Britain, on belialf of the assembly. 

In 1758, he was appointed a judg:? of the sunreme court, and continued to hold a seat 
on the bench till his death, October (1th, 177.' ;.ged 76. 

Judge Jones siustained the reputation of s. ram or solid parts, and discharged the duties 
of the various stations whicb he held with ability and success. 



KINGS COI NTV 


", 






from 


1691 


to 


1693, 


2 


- 


do 


to 


do 


2 


- 


1693 


to 


1694. 


1 


- 


1693 


to 


1698, 


5 


- 


1694 


to 


1695, 


1 


- 


1695 


to 


1698, 




. 


1698 


to 


1699, 


1 


- 


1698 


to 


1699, 


1 


- 


1699 


to 


1726. 


27 


- 


1699 


to 


1716, 


17 


- 


1716 


to 


1737, 


21 


- 


1726 


to 


1727, 


I 


- 


1727 


to 


1761, 


34 


- 


1737 


to 


1750, 


13 


- 


1750 


to 


1759, 


9 


- 


1759 


to 


1767, 


8 


- 


1761 


to 


1775, 


14 


- 


1767 


to 


1775, 


7 



155 



Thomas Cornell, 




- 1761 tc 


> 1764, 


3 


Zebuion Seaman, 




- 1759 t( 


. 1775, 


16 


Daniel Kissain, 




- 1764 to 


1 1775, 


11 


Member of ^^ouncil. 






Thomas Willet, 




- J 


1677 to 169.2. 




FUR 


SUFFOLK COUNTY 


. 




Col. Henry Pierson, fi 


om 


1691 to 


1695, 


4yeai 


[•s. Speaker 


Malhevv Howell, 


- 


1691 to 


1693, 


2 


[I year. 


John Tuthill, 


- 


1693 to 


1694, 


1 




Mathew Howell, 


- 


1694 to 


1705, 


11 




John Tuthill, 


- 


1695 to 


1698, 


3 




Henry Pierson, 


- 


1698 to 


1701, 


3 




William NicoUs, 


- 


1702 to 


1723, 


21 1 


Speaker 16 


Samuel Mulford, 


- 


1705 to 


1726, 


21 


[years. 


Epenetus Piatt, 


- 


1723 to 


1739, 


IG 




Samuel Hutchinson, 


- 


1726 to 


1737, 


11 




David Pierson, 


- 


J 737 to 


1748, 


11 




Eleazer Miller, 


- 


1748 to 


1768, 


20 




William Nicolls 2d, 


- 


1739 to 


1768, 


29 


Speaker 9 


Eleazer Miller, 


- 


1768 to 


1769, 


1 


[years. 


William Nicolls 3d, 


- 


1768 to 


1769, 


1 




Nathaniel Woodhull, 


. 


1769 to 


1775. 


6 




William Nicolls 3d, 


- 


1769 to 


1775, 


6 





Members of the Council. 
Col. John Youngs, from 1683 to 1698 
Col. VVilii-i-n Smith, - 1691 to 1704 
William Nicolls, - 1691 to 1698 



Representatives for Long-Island in the first Convention — in 
tk • Provincial Congress — in the Senate and Jissembly of the 
State ofJS/eio-York, and in the Continental Congress, during 
the Revolutionary f'Var, 

The deputies for Long-Island to the convention which met 
at the city of New-York April 10th, 1775. to choose delegates 
to the Continental Congress, were as follows : 

Suffolk. — William Floyd, Nathaniel Woodhull, Phineas 
Fanning, Thomas Tredwell, and John Sloss Hobart." 
Queens. — Jacob Blackwtll and John Tallman. 

Kings. — Simon Boerum, Richard Stilwell, Theodorus Pol- 
hemus. Denize Denise, and John Vanderbelt. 

Soon after the convention was dissolved, on a recommend- 
ation from i\ew-York, the several counties appointed dele- 
gates to meet and form a Provincial Congress to co-operate 



with the Continental Congress in such measures as they shoulcJ 
devise for the public good. 

These delegates met at New- York, May 22d, 1775, and 
continued with some new appointments to meet from time to 
time at different places, till the adoption of the State Consti- 
tution in April 1777. 

During this period, or the greater part of it, the colony gov- 
ernment was dissolved; the whole powers of sovereignty de- 
volved on the people, and were exercised by their representa- 
tives in the Provincial (Congress. 

The Provincial Congress by virtue of their representative 
capacity merely, without any constitution, guide, or control, 
but their own views of the public interests, performed all the 
duties and exercised the powers of a regularly constituted le- 
gislature. 

The members of the Provincial Congress for Long-Island 
were as follows : 

Suffolk. — Nathaniel Woodhull, John Sloss Hobart, Thom- 
asTredwell, John Foster, Ezra L'Hommedieu, Thomas Wick- 
liam, James Havens, Selah Strong, William Smith, David 
Gelston, ?Jr. Dering. 

Queens. — James Blackwell, Samuel Townsend, Jonathan 
Lawrence, Joseph Hobinson, James Townsend, Walter Smith, 
Mr. Van Wyck, Abraham Kettletas, 

Kings. — Henry Williams, Jeremiah Remsen, Mr. Polhemus, 
Mr. Lefferts. 

After the 30th of August 1776, when the Island was aban- 
doned by the American army, such of the members only at- 
tended as had left the Island. 

By an ordinance passed by the convention who framed the 
state constitution April 20tli, 1777, it was provided that that 
part of the state which had fallen into the hands of the enemy 
should be represented in the Senate and assembly by a pro- 
portional number of members selected from those who had 
retired from those counties within the American lines. 

The following persons were selected for this purpose from 
the several counties on Long island, and held their seats till 
the end of the war : 

Senators. — Vv illiam Floyd, William Smith, Jonathan Law- 
rence. 

Assemblymen for Suffolk. — Burnet Miller, pavid Gelston, 
Ezra L'Hommedieu, Thomas Tredwell, Thomas Wickes. 

For Qiieens. — Philip Edsell, Daniel Lawrence, Benjamin 
Coe, and Benjamin Birdsell. 

For Kings. — William Boerum and Henry Williams, 



15T 

The members of Congress from Long-Island during some 
period of the war were William Floyd, Simon Boerum, Ezra 
L'Hommedieu. 



Population of Long- Island at different periods. 

A. D 1731 1771 I78K 1790 1300 1810 1820 

Kings, 2150 3623 3986 4495 5740 8303 111B7 
Queens, 7895 10980 13084 16014 16983 19336 20519 
Suffolk, 7675 13128 13793 16440 19444 21113 24272 



Potal— 17820 27731 


30863 36949 


42167 


48752 55968 


Population of the several towm 


?, 


KINGS COUNTY. 


1310 




1820 


Brooklyn, 


4402 


*• 


7175 


Bushwick, 


798 


»• 


930 


Flatbush, 


1159 


- 


1027 


Flatlands, 


517 


* 


512 


Gravesend, 


520 


- 


534 


New-Utrecht, 


907 


- 


1009 




8303 


11187 


QUEENS COUNTY. 


1810 




1620* 


Newtown, 


2437 






Jamaica, 


2110 






Flushing, 


2230 






North- Hempstead, 


2750 






Hempstead, 


5084 






Oysterbay, 


4725 








19336 




21519 


SUFFOLK COUNTY. 


1810 




1820 


East Hampton 


1480 


- 


1646 


South Hampton, - 


3899 


m 


4229 


Shelter Island, 


329 


- 


389 


Brook Haven, 


4176 


- 


5218 


Islip, 


885 


- 


1156 


Huntington, 


4425 


> 


4935 


Smithtown, 


1592 


- 


1874 


Riverhead, 


1711 


- 


1857 


Southold, 


2613 


- 


2968 



21113 



24272 



* Tlie Deputy who took the last census, omitted to distlngtiish the population of tit 
tcveral towns in Queens County, 



158 

Proportion ofivhite males to females. 

Males. Females. 

Kinfjs, - 5096 - 4514 

Qceens, - 9643 - 9040 

Suflblk, - 11761 - 1J250 



26500 24804 as 13 to 12. 

Employment of males oveT 16 years of age. 

Agriculture. Commerce. Manufactures. 

Kings, 840 81 713 

Queens, 4130 102 1119 

Suffolk, 4642 342 1099 



9612 525 2931 

Total males over 16, - - - 14180 
Employed in agriculture, commerce &; manufactures, 130')8 

Unemployed, - - - - 1112 

Proportion of population of Long- Island to the city of 

J\''ew- York. 

LoDg-Is!aiid. City. 

- 1731 - 17820 - 8628 as 2 to 1 

1771 - 27731 - 21163 

1786 - 30863 - 23614 

1790 - 36949 - 33131 

1800 - 42167 - 60489 

1810 - 487.52 - 96373 as 1 to 2 

182© - 56978 - 123000 as I to 2i 

Proportion of population oj Long-Island to ths State of 
JVeiv- York. 

Long Islai.d Sta^e 

1731 - 17820 - 50291 as 1 to 3 

1771 - 277S1 - 163338 as 1 to 6 

1786 - 30863 - 238896 as 1 to 7 

1790 - 36949 - 340120 as 1 to 9 

1800 - 42167 - 586141 as 1 to 14 

1810 - 48752 - 959049 as 1 to 19 

1820 - 5697S - 1372812 as 1 to 24 

Proportion of population of the State of J^ew- York to the 
United States. 

New- York United States 

1790 - 340120 - 3950000 as 1 to 11 

1800 - 686050 - 5305666 as 1 to 9 

1810 - 959049 - 7230514 as 1 to 7 

1820 - 1372812 - 9654415 as 1 to 7 



159 



Valuation of the several town- in the counties of Kings, 
Q^ueens, and Sutfolk,in 1823. 



Klx>[GS. 


— '^rnokljn, 


$2389899 




Flatbiish, 


422523 




Flallands, 


196704 




Bnshvvick, 


257378 




New-Utreclit, 


304954 




Gravesend, 


196047 




$3705675 


QUEENS.— 


■-Oysterbay, 


$1575550 




Htmpstead, 


1017000 




North- Hempstead, 


1165250 




Flushing, 


993200 




Newtown, 


890780 




Jamaica, 


698800 




$6340580 


SUFFOLK.- 


-East-Hampton, - 


$464060 




South Hampton, - 


960305 




Shelter-Island, 


105640 




South Old, 


534920 




River Head, 


267380 




Brook Haven, 


969500 




Smith Town, 


320078 




Huntington, 


811480 




Islip, 


279349 



$4712712 

Proportion of the valuation rf Kings, Queens, and Suffolk, 
the State, 1821. 
$3513164 



Kings, 

Queens, 

Suffolk, 



5876775 
4889464 



whole stale 



$14279413 $241283532 as 1 to 16. 



to 



Note. — By the state census of 1825, the population of the state is 1,616, 4i8 ; city 
of New-Vork 166,036 j Long-Island 56::Q>, proportion to the state as 1 to 27. 



OF THE CLIMATE OF LONG-ISLAND. 

The influence of the sea whicli surrounds it, renders it more 
temperate than places in the same parallel of latitude in the in- 
terior. In the bummer, it is regularly fanned by a Seabreeze, 



160 

v/iiich generally rises In the afternoon, but sometimes before ; 
and extends more or less across the Island, according to the 
strength and continuance of the wind. These breezes have 
become so common in the winter, as to prevent the snow from 
covering the ground for any considerable length of time. 

The west and south-west winds predominate in more than 
half the months in the year — the thermometer seldom sinks be- 
low zero in winter, and seldom rises higher than 90 degrees 
in summer. The mean temperature is about 51 degrees, which 
is the temperature of the springs and deep wells, and the 
weather is clear more than half the year.* 

The temperature at Huntington, which lies in lat. about 
40d. 52m. midway between the latitude of the east and west 
ends of the Island, will give pretty nearly the average tempera- 
ture of the whole Island. 

The mean temperature of the several months in the year. 

From 1st Sept. 1821, to 1st do. 1822. From 1st Sept. 1823, to 1st. do. 1824. 

September, 69 - - - - 62 

October, 54 - - - - 51 

November, 42 - - - - 39 

December, 31 - - -p - 35 

January, 26 - - - - 34 

February, 29 - - - - 32 

March, 24 - - - - 36 

49 - - - - 49 



April, 
May, 



63 - ^ - - 57 



* The temperature of places in the same latitude, is modiiied by the elevation of the 
land, the state of cultivation, by their proximity to the sea, or large bodies of water 
that do not freeze, and by the courses of the predominant winds. 

The temperature of the air decreases in the same 1 Atitude one degree, for about 
every 590 feet of the elevation of the place above the Ifvel of the sea. The elevation 
of Mexico, which is 7217 feet above tne level of tlie sea, in latitude 19', 18, reduces 
the temperature to that of places in latitude .33, ^0, on a level with the sea. 

The United States are not as elevated above the Lvil of the sea as Europe, and the 
difference is in favour of a milder temperature in the United States 

The climate of the United States has been estimated to be from 10 to 15 degrees 
colder, than the corresponding latitudes in Europe. From tlie description of the cli- 
mate of France and Italy, by the Roman writers a few years before the christian era, 
the temperature of those countries could not then have been materially different from 
that of the United States at present. Their rivers were frozen solid, and the earth 
was covered with sbow, more or less of the winter. Experience proves, that rivers do 
not congeal with any considerable solidity, until the thermometer is as low as 20 : and 
in the United States, in the latitude of Italy, the tlierraometer at present is seldom be- 
ow 20, more than a few days together during the winter. To produce the effects de- 
scribed, must have required quite as severe frost, as now prevails in the same latitude 
in the United States, if not more severe; and the same causes that have produced the 
change in the climate there, will have the same effect here, so far as they are coramou 
to both countries. 

The clearing and the cultivation of the country, is the most powerful cause that has 
contributed to this effect, and will have great influence in meliorating the climate of 
the United States. — The timber which covers an uncultivated country, shields it from 
the rays of the auH; and deprives the earth of the Ucat derived from that source. It is 



101 



June, 
July, 

August, 



G5 
75 
71 



09 

74 
70 



51,20 
Greatest Heat, and 



1822, July 4th 

do. 20 

1824, July 10 

18 

31 

Aug. 22 



94 
94 

90 

90 



Greatest Range of the 
thermometer. 



50,40 
greatest cold, at Hwiiington. 
1822, Jan. 5th, 5 below zero, 
do. 14, 4 do. 
do. 24, at zero, 
do. 25, 2 below. 
1824, Dec. 18, 1 1 above zero. 

Feb. 5, 3 do. 
•) 1822 - 98 

\ 1824 - 94 



Predominant Winds at Huntington. 

From 1st Sept. 1821, to Ist Sept. 1322. From ihl >ept 1323, to 1st Sept. 182-}. 



September, 

October, 

November, 

December, 

January, 

February, 

March, 

April, 

May, 

June, 

July, 

August, 



west 
west 
west 
west 
south-west 
do. 
do. 
east 
south-west 
west 
south- west 
do. 



September, 
October, 
November, 
December, 
Januar}', 
February, 
March, 
April, 
May, 
June, 
July, 
August, 



east 
south-weat 
do. 
west 
west 
s outh-west 
east 
south-west 
do. 
do. 
west 
south-west 



proved by expenment, that the temperature of cleared land is 10 degrees greater than 
that of laud covered with timber. 

Evaporation and rain are sources of cold, and are more abundant in a counlry cov- 
ered with timber, than in a cleared country — more moisture is supposed to evaporate 
from the leaves, of a j^iven quantity of greeu timber, than from the same extent of wa- 
ter. Great evaporation produces frequent rains, and these again produce evaporation ; 
and the reciprocal operation of these causes contributes to cool the earth, and reduce 
the temperature of the atmospher»\ The influence of these causes is lessened by cul- 
tivation ; the earth becomes drier and wainicr, and the temperature of the air is en- 
creased. The air from the sea also lias a powerful effect on the climate — the sea is 3 
or 10 degrees warmer in winter, and cooler in summer than the earth ; and in propor- 
tion as tiie country is clcared< the air from the sea penetrates further into the coun- 
try— moderates the heat in summer, and the co'd in wintei, and operates to render 
the temperature of the seasons more mild and uniform. The air from tiie great lake:) 
must have a corresponding etTect on the adjoining country — must modify the tempera- 
ture of the opposite seasons of heat and cold, ai)d meliorate the climate. 

Tile climate is also aifected by the course of the winds; formerly on Long-Island, 
the DOrth-we?t was the predominant wind in the winter months, and the north-east 
wind generally prevailed in tlie spring, and sometimes in tlie fall ; at present the west 
and south-west winds are the predominant winds, more than half the months in tho 
year. These winds either come fiora the sea, or blow over a country less cold than 
that traversed by the nortii-west and north-east winds, and are more temperate than 
those winds were. Tiie climate is evidently undergoing a change and becoming more 
uniform; the winters are not as cold, nor the summers a? hot as thfv formerly were. 

21 



162 



Courses of Winds. 




Courses of Winds. 




North, 


14 


North, 


18 


North-west, 


24 


North-west, 


60 


North-east, 


36 


North-east, 


36 


East, 


48 


East, 


52 


South-east, 


21 


South-east, 


22 


South, 


26 


South, 


25 


South west, 


102 


South-west, 


91 


West, 


94 


West, 


61 



365 365 

State of the weather for 455 da3's from 1st Sept* 1821. 
Clear, 270 
Cloudy, 113 
Rainy, 51 
Snow, 21 455 

Temperature of Wells in Huntington, 15th August, 1823, 
water from 4 to 6 feet deep. 

Depth. Temperature at bottom. Surface. 

10 - 65 - 66 

16 - 67 - 58 

*25 - 53-54 

43 - 50 - 51 

Boiling Springs, 51** 



An extract from the power of attorney, granted to James 
Farret, by William, Earl of Stirling, April 20th, in the 12th 
year of Charles I. 

The power after reciting that the Earl had obtained a pa- 
tent from the corporation for New-England, by the consent 
and command of the King, bearing date, April 22d, in the 
1 1th year of his reign, for a certain Island, called Long- 
Island, with the Islands adjacent, and that he was desirous of 
improving them ; states that he had appointed James Farret 
to be his attorney or agent to take possession of the said Islands, 
and to plant and improve them, and after some other recitals, 
proceeds as follows : 

" J the said William, Earl of Stirling, do hereby impower 
an4 authorize him for me, my heirs, executors and adminis- 
trators, and for every of us, to let, set, mortgage, sell, or by any 
other way or means, for a present sum or sums of money, or 

♦ For the meteorological observations of the town of Huntington, I am indebted to 
the kindness of Christopher Meng, eeq. of that town. 



163 

for yearly rent, to dispose of the said Islands, or of any part 
or parts of them, for such time and times, term or terms of 
years, for life, or lives, or forever in fee, as my said attorney 
or agent shall judge most probably conducing to my profit and 
behalf, and to the other ends before specified. 

And after one or more plantations, or colonies or people 
shall be there in any or all of the aforesaid Islands settled, to 
continue, erect and establish, such honest ai)d wholesome or- 
ders and ordinances amongst and for the benefit of the said 
planters and colonies, as shall be judged, together with and 
upon the advice of the Right WorshipfulJohn Winthrop, esq. 
governor of Boston, colony in the said New-England, most 
tending to the preservation of the public peace, tiie improve- 
ment of trade and commerce, and the due execution of justice, 
in obedience to the laws of God, and as much as may be 
agreeable to the laws of England " 

The power authorizps the conveyance of the said lands to 
any person or persons that owed allegiance to the crown of 
England, and engages to ratify and confirm what his said 
attorney shall do in conformity with the said power in the 
premises. 

Treaty of Hartford, 1650. 
Articles of agreement made and concluded at Hartford, 
upon Connecticut, September 19, 1650, between delegates of 
the Commissioners of the United English Colonies, and the 
delegates of Peter Stuyvesant, governor-general of New Ne- 
therlands — concerning the bounds and limits between the Eng- 
lish United Colonies and the Dutch province of New Nether- 
lands. 

We agree and determine asjollows : 
That upon Long-Island, a line run from the westernmost 
part of Oysterbay, and so in a straight and direct line to the 
sea, shall be ihe bounds between the English and Dutch there, 
the easterly part to belong to the English, and the westermost 
part to the Dutch. 

The bounds upon the main, to begin upon the west side of 
Greenwich bay, being about four miles from Stamford, and so 
to run a westerly line 20 miles up into the country, and after, 
as it shall be agreed by the two governments of the Dutch 
and New Haven, provided that said line run not within ten 
miles of Hudson's river, and it is agreed that the Dutch shall 
not, at any time hereafter, build any house or habitation with- 
in six miles of the said line. The inhabitants cf Greenwich 



164 

to remain (lill lurllier consideration thereof be had,) under 
the government of the Dutch. 

That the Dutch shall hold and enjoy all the lands in Hart- 
ford that they are actually in possession of, known or set out 
by certain marks and bounds, and all the remainder of the 
said lands, on both sides of Connecticut river, to be and re- 
main to ihe English there. 

And it is agreed, that the aforesaid bounds and limits, both 
upon the Island and main, shall be observed and kept invio- 
lable, both by the English of the United Colones and all the 
Dutch nation, without any encroachment or molestation, un- 
til a full determination be agreed upon in Europe, by mutu- 
al consent of the two States of England and Holland. And 
in testimony of our joint consent to the several foregoing con- 
ditions, we have hereunto set our hands this 19th day of Sep- 
tember 1650. 

SIMON BRADSTREET, THOMAS VVH.LET, 

THOMAS PRINCE, GEORGE BAXTER. 



The remonstrance of the several towns in the Dutch territorj/, 
to the Governor and council, in 1653. 
To the Hon. Director General ^nd council in New Ne- 
therlands, together to the councilof the high and mighty 
Lords, the States General of the United Provinces, 
The humble remonstrance aiid petition of the colonies and 
villages in the Province of New Netherland, humbly shew ; 
We acknowledge a paternal government, which God 
and nature have established in the world, for the maintenance 
and preservation of peace, and the welfare of men, not only 
principally in conformity to the laws of nature, but according 
to the law and precepts of God, to which we consider our- 
selves obliged by his word, and therefore submit to it. 

The Lord our God having invested their high mightinesses, 
the States General as his ministers, with the power to promote 
the welfare of their subjects, as well of those residing within 
the United Provinces, as of those at this side of the sea, which 
we gratefully acknowledge, and having commissioned in the 
same view, some subaltern magistrates, and clothed them with 
authority to promote the same end, as are the Lords Di- 
rectors of the privileged West India Company, whom we 
acknowledge as Lords and Patroons of this place, next to your 
Lordships, as being their representatives. 

On which ground we humbly conceive that our rights and 
privileges are the same, in every respect, in harmony witU 



165 

those of Netlierland, as being a meiiiber dependent on that 
state, and by no means a conquered subjugated nation. 

We settled here on a mutual agreement and contract with 
the Lord Patroons, with the consent of the natives, who were 
the first proprietors of these lands, of whom we purciiased the 
soil at our own expense, and transformed a wildernes, with 
immense labor, into a few small villages and many cultivated 
farms, encourage i by the j)rivileges wltich we obtained, and 
whose preservation is di»ar to us. 

We expected tlieir increase and amplification, and by no 
means that these were to be curtailed down to this. 

The deep homage and profound respect which we feel for 
the govern;neut of the United Netherlands, consisting and 
coagulated from various nations from dilferent parts of the 
world : Tliat, we leaving, at our own expense, our country 
and countrymen, voluntarily choose to submit to their protec- 
tion, and being now immatriculated in their body under 
our sovereign, the high and mighty Lords, the States 
General, whom we acknowledge as bur liege lords, and submit 
as in duty bound, to the general laws of the United Provinces 
in the Netherlands, with all such new orders and laws, which, 
under their authority may be published here, agreeably to the 
custom and privilege of the Netherlands. 

This being considered, we humbly solicit that this our re- 
monstrance and petition, may be received and well construed, 
without being misinterpreted. 

Wherefore, although with all humility, we will declare free- 
ly our anxious fears by which we some time since have been 
alarmed and discouragt^d in our labors and callings, so that 
it is not in our power to a^t with that rigor and affection in 
promoting the welfare of our country as well as before, 
although in a wilderness, for the following reasons. 

1 Our apprehension to see an arbitrary government esta- 
blished among us, which is contrary to the first intention and 
genuine principles of every well regulated government, to wit : 
that one or more should arrogate the exclusive power to dis- 
pose arbitrarily of the life and ()roperty of any individual, and 
this in virtue or under pretext of a law or order which he might 
fabricate, without the consent, knowledge, or approbation of 
the whole body, ilieir agents or representatives. 

Thus new laws relative to the lives and property of the 
inhabitants, contrary to the privileges of the Netherlands, and 
odious to every free-born man, and principally so to those 
whom iiod had placed under a free government on new settled 



166 

lands, who are entitled to claim laws which are as near resem- 
bling those of Nelherland as possible 

It is our humble opinion that it is one of our privileges, that 
in making new laws, our explicit consent, or that of our re- 
presentatives, is unavoidably required for their adoption. 

2 Casually we are every year full of apprehension that the 
natives of the land may commence a new war against us, by 
the murders they commit under the pretext that they have not 
been paid for their land, which creates many calamities and 
discourages settlers, and even contributes to lessening the 
number and industry of the remainder. 

It has, thus far, not been in our power to discover the truth 
hereof, or ascertain to what tribe these murderers belong. It 
is too often disregarded as committed by savages who reside 
at a considerable distance. But, be that as it may, it fills us 
with daily anxiety, so that we are compelled to look out for 
our own defence,as we cannot discover in what manner our lives 
and property shall be protected, except by our own means. 

3. That officers and magistrates, although personally, from 
their qualifications, deserving similar offices, are appointed 
contrary to the laws of the Netherlands, to many offices, with- 
out consent or nomination of the people, which nevertheless 
are the most concerned in the choice. 

4 That many orders and proclamations made before, with- 
out approbation of the country in the days of yore, by the autho- 
jity of the Director General and council, either of former days 
or actually ruling, which remain obligatory, although we are 
ignorant of their force, and become transgressors from igno- 
rance without knowing it, by which we are exposed to many 
dangers and troubles, and may occasion our own ruin without 
knowing it. 

G On the promises of grants and general letters of privi- 
leges and exemptions, various plantations have been made at 
a great expense of the inhabitants in building their houses, 
making fences. Sic, the cultivation of the land, and princi- 
pally so by those of Middleburgh, and Middlewout, with their 
neighborhoods and other places. 

Many single farms were taken up by persons who solicited 
a deed of such a grant, but were always delayed and disap- 
pointed, to their great loss, which creates a suspicion that 
some innovations are in contemplation, or that there is a lurk- 
ing intention to alter former stipulations. 

G That to some individuals, large quantities of land are 
granted for their private profit, on winch a large village of 
20 or 30 families might have been established, which, in the 



t6T 



end, must effect an immense loss to the Patroons, with regard 
to their revenues, as well now as in future, and which must 
weaken the strength of the Province, and disable that part of 
the country to provide in or contribute to its defence, and that 
of its inhabitants, except we or our commonalty are enabled to 
effect it. 

7 As we exert ourselves to redtce all our griefs within sis 
points, which we confidentially explained, as we renew our 
allegiance, in the hope that these will soon be redressed, agree- 
ably to the privileges of our country, when all discontents 
shall cease, a mutual harmony be restored, and our anxiety 
relieved. 

We apply therefore to your wisdom to heal our sicknesses 
and pains. We shall remain thankful, and consider any 
further applicatson needless, as we otherwise should be 
compelled to do. 

Upon which, humbly soliciting your honors' answer on 
I every point or article in such a manner that we may remain 
satisfied, or proceed further, &c. as God shall direct our steps. 
Your honors' suppliant servants. 

Done Dec. 11, 1653. 



A rent Van Hatten, 

Martin Creiger, 

P. L. Vander Girst. 

Frederick Lubbertson, 
Paulus Vander Beek, 
William Beekman, 

John Hicks, 
Tobias Feeks, 
William Washborn, 
John Somers, 
Peter Wolpherton, 
Jan Stryker, 
Thomas Penewit, 
Elbert Elbertson, 
Thomas Spicer, 

George Baxter, 
James Hubbard, 
Robert Coe, 
Thomas Hazard, 



KeW'York, 

Brooklyn. 

Flushing. 
Hempstead' 

Flatlands. 

Flathush. 

Gravesend. 

Ncwtovm, 



1G8 



The original social contract of the people of East Hampton, 

adopted in 1655. 

Forasmuch as it has pleased the Almighty God, by the wise 
dispensation of his proviilenre so to order and dispose of things, 
that we, the inhabitants of Ea>t- Hampton, are now dwelling 
together; the word of God requires tiiai tn maintain the peace 
and union of such a people, there should be an orderly and 
decent government established, aceorling to God, to order 
and dispose as occasion shall require; we do therefore soci- 
ate and conjoin ourselves and successors, to be one town or cor- 
poration, and do for ourselves and successors and such as shall 
be adjoined to us at any time hereafter, enter into combination 
and confederation together, to maintain and preserve the pu- 
rity of tiie Gospel of our Lord Jesus Christ, which we now pos- 
sess ; as also the disciphiie of the church, which according to, 
the truth of said gospel, is now practised among us; as also iii^ 
our civil affairs, to be guided and governed by such laws and 
orders as shall be made according to God, and v*hich by the 
vote of the major part, shall be in force among us. Further- 
more, we do engage ourselves, that in all votes for choosing 
officers or makinij; orders, that it be according to conscience 
and our best light. And also we do engage ourselves by 
this combination to stand to and maintain the authority of 
the several officers of the town in their determinations and ac- 
tions, according to their orders and laws, that eiiher are or 
shall be made, not swerving therefrom. In witness whereof, 



Original Dutch Grant for Jamaica, 

Having seen the request or desire of the inhabitants of the 
town of Hempstead, and subjects of the province, the go- 
vernor general and council have consented and granted unto 
the aforesaid inhabitants, free leave to erect or build a new 
town according unto their place limited, named Canarise, 
about the midway from Hempstead, upon such privileges and 
particular ground briefs, such as the inhabitants of the New 
Netherlands generally do possess in their lands, and likewise 

* The first settlers of the several towns in Connecticut seem to have entered into 
formal contracts of this nature. Tlio preceding is said to have been taken from that of 
Vindfor, and it is probable thai, the several Knglish towns on Long-Island, io their 
oriiin, more or less, forniajly adopted similar compacts. 



169 

in the choice of their ma2:istrates as in the other villages or 
towns, as Middleboronah, Breuklin, Midwout and Amersfort. 
Done at the fort in \ew-Netherland, tliis 
21st of March, 1656. 

PETER STU YVES ANT. 
By order of the sjovernor general and council of the 
New-Netherlands. 

CORNELIUS VAN RUYVEN, Secretary, 



TRANSACTIONS OF THE GENERAL ASSE5IBLY OF CONNECTICUT, 
REI.ATIVE TO LO-VG-ISLA\D. 

At a session of the general assenably at Hartford, March 
10th, 1663. 

This court have voted Mr. Wyllys and Mr. Matthew Allyn, 
to go over to Long-Island to settle government on tiie west 
end of the Island, according to the agreement at Hempstead, 
in February last ; and those gentlemen are desired to issue the 
matter twixt I. Scott and Bloomer, and they are further de- 
sired to take in with them the assistance of the commissioners 
in those towns, for the regulating of any disturbances as occa- 
sion is presented. 

A true copy from the public records of the colony of 
Connecticut. Examined this 8th day of August, 
If 64, by 

GEORGE WYLLYS, Secretary. 
By order of the governor general and council, of the 
New Netherlands. 

At a general assemly held at Hartford, May the 12th, 1664 
for election, 

Whereas, his Majesty hath been graciously pleased to con- 
firm unto this colony, by charter, all that part of his domin- 
ions in New-England, bounded, as in the said charter is ex- 
pressed, with the Islands adjoining. 

This court doth declare, that they claim Long-Island for 
one of those adjoining Islands, expressed in the charter, except 
a precedent right doth appear, approved by his Majesty. 

This court doth desire and request the worshipful governor, 
Mr. Matthew Allyn, Mr. Wyllys, and Captain Youngs, to go 
over to Long-Island, and to settle the English plantations on 
the Island, under this government, according to instructions 
given them. 

The aforesaid committee are hereby authorised to erect and 
constitute quarter courts, or appoint other fit seasons for the 



170 

keeping of court, for the administration of justice, that all ca- 
ses may be tried according to law, (life, limbs, and banishment 
excepted,) and to do their endeavors so to settle matters, that 
the people may be both civilly, peaceably, and religiously 
governed in the English plantations, so as they may win the 
heathen to the knowledge of our Lord and Saviour Jesus 
Christ, by their sober and religious conversation, as his AJajes- 
ty our Lord and King requires in liis gracious letters patent, 
granted to his subjects here, in this colon}- ; and in case of 
crimes of a capital nature, they are to have liberty to take the 
opportunity of the courts of Fairfield or Hartford, the like 
liberty they have in case of review. They may also give oath 
to those who are accepted by this court for freemen on the 
Island, and to do what else they judge may conduce for the 
good of the colony. 

A true copy from the public records of the colony of 

Connecticut. Examined this 8th day of August, 

17G4, by 

GEORGE WY'.LYS, Secretary, 



The annexation of Long Island to JVeivYork. 

The determination o( his Majesty's commissioners relative 
to the boundaries of his Royal Highness the Duke of York's 
patent, and of the patent ot Connecticut, November 30tb, 
1664. 

By virtue of his Majesty's commission, we have heard the 
difference about the bounds of the patent.^ granted to his 
Royal Highness the Duke of York, and his Majesty's colony 
of Connecticut ; and having deliberately considered all the 
reasons alledged by IMr Allen, senior, Mr. Gould, Mr. Rich- 
ards and captain Winthrop, appointed by the assembly held 
at Hartford, the 13th day of October, 1684, to accompany 
John Winthrop, Esq. the Governor of his Majesty's colony of 
Connecticut to New-York, and by Mr. Howell and captain 
Youngs of Long-Island, w by the said Long-Island should be 
under the government of Connecticut, which are too long to 
be recited. We do declare and order, that the southern bounds 
of his Majesty's colony ol" Connecticut is the sea, and that 
Long-Island is to be under the goven.mentof Ins Royal High- 
ness the Duke of York, as is expressed by plain words in the 
said patents respectively, and also by virtue of his Majesty's 
commission, and b}' the consent of both the governor and the 
gentlemen above named ; we also order and declare that the 
creek or river called Momoroiieck, which is reputed to be 



about twelve miles to the east of Wcstdiester, and a line drawn 
from the east point or side, wliere the fresh water falls intotfie 
salt, at high-water mark, N N. W. to the line of the Mas- 
sachusetts, be the western bounds of the said colony of Con- 
necticiu, and the plantations lying westward of that oreek and 
line so drawn, to be nnder his Royal Highness' government ; 
and all plantations lying eastward of that creek and line, to be 
under the government of Connecticut. 

Given under our hands at fort James, New-York, on Man- 
hattan Island, this 30th day of Nov 1664. 

RICHARD NICOLLS, 
GE >RGE TARTWRIGHT, 
SAMUEL MAVERICK. 
We, underwritten, on behalf of the colony of Connecticut, 
Iiave assented unto this determinaiion of his Majesty's commis- 
sioners, in relati«»n to the bounds and limits of his Royal 
Highness the Duke's patent, and the patent of Connecticut. 
JOHN Wl S'THROP, 
MATHEW AL«,EN, 
NATHAN GOLLD, 
JAMES silCHAiiDS, 
JOHN VVINTHROP. 



^Q. list of the Depniies from the several towns on Long-Island, 
and from the 'own of fVesichester, which composed the Gene- 
ral Assembly convened at Hempstead by Richard JVicolls, 
the 1st ofJla>-ch, 1665. 

"'JVew-Utrecht, Jaques Cortelleau, Younger Hope. 

Gravesendf James Hubbard, John Bowne, 

Flatlands. Elbert Elbertson, Reloffe Martens, 

~- Flatbush, John Siryker, Hendrick Gucksen. 

Bushivick, John Stealman, Gisbert Tunis, 

Brooklyn, Hendrick Lubbertzen, John Evertsen, 

JVew Town, Richard Belts, John Coe, 

Flushing, Elias Doughty, Richard Cornhill, 

Jamaica. Daniel Denton, Thomas Benedict, 

Hempstead, John Hicks, Robert Jackson, 

Oystcrbay, John Underbill, Matthias Haryey, 

Huntington, Jonas Wood, John Ketcham, 

Brookhaven Daniel Lane, Roger Barton, 

Southold, William Wells, John Youngs, ^ y* 

South Hampton, Thomas &stew,^;<^'^'^9- Jwi^^ '" '■"^'^ 

East Hampton, Thomas Baker, John Strattoii, 

Westchester J Edward Jcssup, John Quinby. 



172 



The Address of the Deputies assembled at Hempstead to his 
Royal Highness, the Duke of York. 

We the deputies duly elected from the several towns upon 
Long-Island, being assembled at [Hempstead, in general meet- 
ing;, by authority derived from your royal highness under the 
honorable Colonel Nicolls, as deputy governor, do most hum- 
bly and thankfully acknowledge to your royal highness, the 
great honor and satisfaction we receive in our dependence 
upon your royal highness according to the tenor of his sacred 
majesty's patent, granted the 12rh day of March, 1664; 
wherein we acknowledge ourselves, our heirs and successors 
forever, to be comprized to all Intents and purposes, as therein 
is more at large expressed. And we do puplickly and unani- 
mously declare our cheerful submission to all such laws, sta- 
tutes and ordinances, which are or shall be made by virtue of 
authority from your royal highness, your heirs and succes- 
sors forever : As also, that we will maintain, uphold, and de- 
fend, to the utmost of our power, and peril of us, our heirs 
and successors forever, all the rights, title, and interest, grant- 
ed by his sacred majesty to your royal highness, against all 
pretensions or invasions, foreign and domestic ; we being al- 
ready well assured, that, in so doing, we perform our duty ot 
allegiance to his majesty, as free born subjects of the kingdom 
of England inhabiting in these his majesty's dominions We 
do farther beseech your royal highnt ss to accept of this 
address, as the first fruits in this general meeting, for a memo- 
vial and record against us, our heirs and successors, when we, 
or any of them, shall fail in our duties. Lastly, we beseech 
your royal highness to take our poverties and necessities, in 
this wilderness country, into speedy consideration ; that, by 
constant supplies of trade, and your royal highness' more par- 
ticular countenance of grace to us, and protection of us, we 
may daily more and more be encouraged to bestow our labors 
to the improvement of these his majesty's western dominions, 
under your royal highness; for whose health, long life, and 
eternal happiness, we shall ever pray, as in duty bound. 

From Furmari's Brooklyn. 

This address was agreed on at the meeting of the deputies 
at Hempstead, in March, 1665. 



173 

Jl JVarrative and Remonstrance of the Deputies assemhled at 
Hempstead, in March, IC'^S, relating to the different apprehen- 
sions of some matters then and there transacted. 

His Majesty having employed lis ships ofvvar, and sent a 
considerable number of soldiers to rcHuo these parts of Ame- 
rica to his obf'dience, tin present government, was readily 
received, and peaceably settled on l^ong-Island, hy virtue of 
his Majesty's letters patent, made and granted to his Royal 
Highness Jame>, Duke olYork and Albany, bearing date the 
twelfth day of March, in the sixteenth of the reign of our sove- 
reign Lord King v harles the II, published at Gravesend, on 
Long-Island, aforesaid, about the middle of August following, 
in the audience of a great number of the inhabitants thereof, 
by the Right Honorable Col, Richard Nicolls, deputy Govern- 
or under hi> Ro\al Highness. At which time and place Gov. 
Winthrop, being then present, openly declared that their colo- 
ny claimed no jurisdiction de jure over Long-Island ; but 
what thry had done wa>; for the welfare, peace, and quiet set- 
tlement of his iMajesiy's subjects, as they were the nearest 
court of record to them under his Majesty ; but now his Ma- 
jesty's pleasure was fully signified by his letters patent, as above 
said, their jurisdiction over them ceased and became null; 
whereupon our honorable Governor then replied also, that be 
would not put out any of the officers which Connecticut had 
set up in the civil state, but confirm them uni er his power to 
act in every town, until a convenient season served to con- 
vene deputies from all the towns on the island, when and where 
laws were to be enacted and civd officers established. 

Shortly after, at another meeting of our honorable Govern- 
or and Connecticut* "ommissioners, several persons were there 
confirmed by him in civil authority, by his writing under his 
hand, which they published in several towns where they were 
to collect rates and former dues for Connecticut, unto which 
power these eastern towns readily and willingly obeyed and 
submitted for the space of six months at least. 

In March following, we were convened, being deputies cho- 
sen by the several towns in a general assembly held at Hemp- 
stead, where his Majesty's aforesaid patent was first read, and 
a commission from his Royal Higliness the Duke of York, 
empo\v(*ring and investing the aforesaid Col. Richard Nicolls, 
with authority to put the contents of the said patent into prac- 
tice and execution, who declared unto us that our first busi- 
ness should be to decide some, and to compose other difieren- 
ces which were on float before he came to the government, 
according to the manner and form in practice since our late 



174 

ucivnowledgmont of tbe Connecticut authority ; but that he 
had prepared a body of general laws hereafter to be observed; 
the which were delivered lo us, and upon perusal we found 
them to be a collection of the laws now in practice in his Ma- 
jesty's other colonies in New-England, with abatement of the 
severity against such as differ in matters of conscience and 
religion. 

We proceeded to object against some and propose other 
clauses in the laws, whereupon several amendments were made 
with further assurance from the Governor, that when any 
reasonable alteration should be offered from any town to the 
sessions', the Justices should tender the same at the assizes, 
and receive satisfaction therein, the truth and effects whereof 
we have since found 

The Governor further declared that for his own part he 
expected no benefit for his labors out of the purses of the inha- 
bitants, not so much as to defray his charge and expenses at 
the courts; but that ii was absolutely necessary to establish a 
form and rule of county rales, to snp])ort the public charge ;. 
whereupon we pitched upon the form and rule at this day ob- 
served in Connecticut, which was known to some of those 
present. 

In the next place we conceived that two hundred pounds 
yearly might defray the public charge ; to which the Govern- 
or replied that he would touch none of the public money, but 
that the high sheriff from year to year should cause the same 
to be collected, and give, at the expiration of his office, inopen 
court at the general assizes, an account of his receipts and 
disbursen)ents. 

If it should happen the rate was more than the charge of 
liis year, the overplus should remain to the use of the country 
the next year ; if the charge was greater than the rate, the 
country was obliged to bear it with an additional rate, in all 
which transactions we acted with sincerity of heart, aocording 
to the best of our understanding, and in obedience to his Ma- 
jesty's authority established by his letters patent over us. 

Moreover we appointed a committee to attend the governor 
for his resolution, whether we might not, according to the cus- 
tom of the other colonies, choose our magistrates. We receiv- 
ed answer by our deputies, that they had seen the instruction 
of his Royal Highness, wherein the choice of all the officers 
of Justice was solel}' to be made by the Governor, and some 
of us do knowthata Parliament of England can neither make 
a judge nor justice of the peace. 

In conclusion the governor told us that we had seen and 
read his Majesty's letters patent, the commission and instruc- 



175 

t'ioiisfrom liis Royai Highness the Duke of York, and if wo 
would have a greater share in the government tljan he could 
allow, we must go to the king for it. 

Nevertheless some malicious men have aspersed us as be- 
trayers of their liberties and privileges, in subscribing to aa 
address to his Royal Highness, full of duty and gratitude, 
whereby his Roy d Highn.'ss av\y be encouraged the more to 
take us and the welfare of our posterity into his most princely 
care and consideration. 

Neither can any clause in that address bear any other 
natural sense and construction than our obedience and sub- 
mission to his Majesty's letters patent, according to our duty 
and allegiance. 

However, that our neighbors and fellow subjects may be 
undeceived of the false aspersions thrown upon us, and the 
impostures of men di.safFecLed to government manifested, lest 
they should further preva 1 upon the weakness of others; we 
the then deputies and subscribers of the said address, conceive 
ourselves obliged to puhlisii this narrative and remonstrance of 
the several passages and steps conducting to the present go- 
vernment under which we now live, and we desire that a 
record hereof may be kept in each town, that future ages may 
not he seasoned with the sour malice of such unreasonable 
and groundless aspersions. 

Dated the 21st day of June, 1666. 



Remonstrance of Southampton against the order requiring them 
to take out a new patent. 

Southampton, Feb. 15, 1670t. 
To the Covernor. ^ 

Honourable Sir — We, the inhabitants of this town, do here- 
by present unto you our humble service, &c. to show our re- 
spect to your honour's pleasure, and our obedience to the order 
of the honourable court of assize — we are bold to manifest 
herein unto you some reasons why we are unwilling to receive 
any further patent for our lands, as follow eth : 

Jst, Because, as we have honestly purchased them of the 
natives, (the proper and natural owners of them,) so also we 
have already the patent right, lawfully obtained and derived 
from the honourable oarl of Stirling, we being to pay one fifth 
part of gold and silver ore, and four bushels of Indian corn 
yearly 

2dly, Because the injunction laid on persons and plantations 
hy the laws in 1666, to take forth patents for their lands from 



176 

our then governor, we grounderlly conceive intended not the 
plantations on this east end of the Island, hut only those at the 
west end who were reduced from a foreign government, even 
as heretofore. Those Knghsh that came to dv^ell within the 
precincts which the Dutch claimed took out land briefs from 
the Dutch governor. 

3dly, Because those of us, who were first beginners of this 
plantation, put none but ourselves to the vast charge in our 
transport hither, we greatly hazarded our lives (as some lost 
theirs) here amongst and by the then numerous and barbarous- 
ly cruel natives J yet through di\ine Providence v\e have pos- 
sessed these our lands above 30 \ears without interruption or 
molestation by any claiming them from us, and therefore we 
cannot see why we should lose any of our rightful privileges, 
so dearly and honestly purchased, or how our lands can be 
better assured to us by taking out another patent from any one. 

4thly. And materially because by our said patent we had 
licence (we being but few) to put ourselves under any of his 
majesty's colonies for government, whereupon accordingly by 
willing consent on all sides, we adjo'-ned ourselves to Hartford 
jurisdiction, and divers of us became members of the king's 
court there, and when the worthy Mr. VVinthrop obtained a 
patent from his majesty our present lord, king Charles li, for 
the said colony of Hartford, our town is included, and some 
of the then chief members of our town expressly nominated in 
the patent; so that this place became undeniably an absolute 
limb or part of the said colony ; and moreover, since that and 
after his majesty's commissioners came into these parts, his 
majesty of grace and free motion was pleased so far to encour- 
age his people of the said colony, as by his letter to assure them 
that their ecclesiaslical and civil privileges 'vhicli he had gran- 
led them should not be infringed or diminished by his said 
commissioners or any others wliaisoever. 

Sly, It is not only in all our experience beyond all parallel, 
that each town should be constrained to take forth a patent, 
but also the patents here imposed and those given forth, which 
yet we have seen, seem to bind persons and towns in matter of 
payments to the will and mercy of their lord and his succes- 
sors, or lieutenants; and who can tell but in time to come 
those may succeed who, through an avaricious distemper, may 
come upon us with such heav\ t;«xes and intolerable burdens, 
as may make us, or our poor posterity, to groan like Israel in 

Egypt. . . . , . . 

6ly, Because people are enjoined to acknowledge m the 
said patent (if we mistake not greail)^) that his ro^yal highness 



the duke of York is sole proprietor of the whole Islanil ; whictj 
we cannot consent unto, because we know ourselves to be tlie 
true proprietors of the lands we here possess, witit the appur- 
tenances thereunto belonging, and also because men are en- 
joined by the said patent to pay not only all just dues, biit also 
all demands that may be made by his royal highness or his au- 
thorized agent. 

7ly, Because we are more than confident his majesty will 
desire no more of us than already we are, even his faithful liege 
people who have many of us ah-eady taken, and the rest of us 
are ready to take, the oath of allegiance unto him. Willing 
we are to pay our just dues in town and to the country, and 
ready to serve his majesty with our lives and fortunes; we are 
his subjects and we know he wiil not make us slaves to any. 

8ly, Because Gen. Nichols gave it under his hand that we 
at this end sliould have as great privileges as any colony in 
New-I!.ngland, and yet we are denied our deputies at the courts; 
we are forced to pay customs for goods imported, for which 
custom hath before been paid to his majesty's use in England. 

9ly, and Lastly, — The king's commissioners in the year 
16G4, by their proclamation, seemed to demand only the gov- 
ernment, with exact and full promise that the people should 
enjoy whatsoever God's blessing and their own industry had 
furnished them withal ; and we see not what more a patent 
can assure us, especially considering that the patents here taken 
forth by places, or p irticular persons, secure them not abso- 
lutely ; for it seems to us by the order of the court of assizes, 
even from them who have received a patent, wood and timber 
may be taken away without leave and witl)out pay; in all whicli 
respects, and some other, we cannot be willing to take forth 
more patent than we have. And if we do succeed otherwise 
than we expect, we hope we shall, like good Christians, pa- 
tiently bear the pressure that may be permitted to fill upon us, 
yet never fail to be fervent votaries for your honour's real hap- 
piness 

[Signed by Thomas Halsey jun. and 49 others.^ 



178 

^'Ae PetUion of the Members of the Court ofjissize, to the Vukt 
of York, for an Assembly . 

To his Royal Highness, James, Duke of York and Mb any : 
The liumble petition of the council of tlie province, the al- 
. dermen of New-York, and of the justices assembled at 

a special court of assize held at the city of New-York, 

June 29th, IGSl, 

Shozveth — That we, your royal highness' most humble and 
obedient servants, assenjbled together by virtue of your royal 
highness' authority established in his colony, humbly craving* 
the conjunction and assistance of this court to make a submissive 
address to your royal highness: therein representing the great 
pressure and lamentable condition of his majesty's subjects in 
this your royal highness' colony ; and also presenting, for the 
only remedy and ease of those burdens, that an assembly of the 
people may be established by a free choice of the freeholders 
and inhabitants of this your royal highness' colony. The which 
lequest, we having maturely and deliberately weighed and con- 
sidered, and having full assurance of your royal highness' good 
gracious and real intentions to encourage and advance the ease, 
benefit, and advantage of trade,and the merchants and inhabit- 
ants of this your said colony, and the removal of all things that 
mightobstruct or hinder the same to us particularly, signified by 
your gracious commission given to JohnLemon,your royal high- 
ness agent and servant here, bearing date the 24 th of May, 1680, 
whicli with great joy and general satisfaction was received and 
published. Expecting and longing for the happy event of such 
your royal highness' grace and favour, the enjoyment of which 
we have not as yet attained, we find ourselves encouraged and 
obliged to concur with the said grand inquest ; and in all 
submissive manner to prostrate ourselves atyour roj'al highness' 
feet, and represent the miserable and deplorable condition of 
the inhabitants of this your royal highness' colony, who for 
many years past have groaned under inexpressible burdens by 
having an arbitraiy and absolute power used and exercised 
over us, by which a yearly revenue is exacted from us against 
our wills, and trade grievously burdened with undue and unu- 
sual customs imposed on the merchandize without our consent 
— our liberty and freedom inthraled, and the inhabitants wholly 
shut out and deprived of any share, vote, or interest, in the 
government, to their great discouragement, and contrary to 
;he laws, rights, liberties, and privileges, of the subject; so that 
.ve are esteemed as notiiiug, and have become a reproach to the 
neighbours in other his majesty's colonies, who fiourish uudcr 



179 

the fruition and protection of his majesty's unparalleled forra 
and method of government in his realm of England, the un- 
doubted birthright of all his subjects. Which necessitates us, 
in behalf of this your royal highness' colony, to become 
humble suppliants and suitors to your royal highness; 
praying, and we do hereby humbly and submissively, with all 
obedience, pray and beseech your royal highness, that, for the 
redressing and removal of the said grievances, the government 
of this your colony may, for the future, be settled and estab- 
lished, "ruled and governed, by a governor, council, and as- 
sembly ; which assembly to be duly elected and chosen by the 
freeholders of this your royal highness' colony, as is usual and 
practicable with the realm of England, and other his majes- 
ty's plantations. Which will give great ease and satisfaction 
to all his majesty's subjects in this your royal highness' colony; 
who desire no greater happiness than the continuance of your 
royal highness' grace and favour, and to be and remain his 
majesty's loyal and free subjects. 
By order, Sic. 

JOHN WEST, Chrh of Assize. 



Of the PiraU William Kidd. 

William Kidd, who was commissioned in 1696 to go against 
the pirates, who then infested the seas, became a pirate, sail- 
ed to IMadagascar, and ravaged the sea and the coast from 
the Red Sea to the coast of Malabar for nearly a year, when 
he returned with more valuable spoil, than perhaps ever fell to 
the lot of a pirate. On his way from the West Indies to Bos- 
ton, he anchored in Gardiner's Bay, landed on the island, and 
buried a box of gold, silver and precious stones. The owner 
of the Island was entrusted with the secret, and his life was 
the pledge of its security. Kidd made similar deposits in other 
places along the coast. On Kidd's arrival at Boston, on the 
1st. July, 1699, he was seized and committed by the order of 
the Governor, the Earl of Bellamont, and among his papers 
was found an account of all his deposits. Commissioners 
were appointed to collect and secure them. They called on 
Mr Gardiner for the box that was deposited on the Island, 
who, after he was assured that Kidd was in safe custodj^, and 
not likely again to be in a condition to injure him, procured 
the box and delivered it to the Commissioners. 

Kidd was sent to England and tried and executed IMay 9th, 
1701. 



180 

The tradition of Kidd's having burled his treasures along 
the coast, unaccompanied by the liistory of their discovery, 
has given rise to the idle practice of raoney digging, under the 
impression that those treasures are stiil to be found 

Among the papers of the late John L. Gardiner, Esq. is an 
account of the treasure deposited on the Island, taken from 
the list of Kidd's treasures, which were secured by the com- 
missioners, of which the following is a summary. 
Received the 17th inst. of Mr. John 

Gardiner, three bags of gold dust 

containing 

Two bags of gold bars containing 

One do. of coined gold do. 

One do. broken silver do. 

Two do silver bars 

One do. silver buttons and a lamp 29 

One bag containing three silver rings 

and sundry precious stones 41 oz. 

One do. of onpolislicd stones ' 12* 



136 OS. 




50l| 




U&sj 


lverl24 o; 




173^ 




521 



738f 847^ 17| 

One bag containing one piece of Bristol and Bezoar stones 
two cornelian rings, and two small agates, two amethysts. 

Which account wt>s presented by Samuel Sewell, Nathan- 
iel Byfield, Jeremiah Dumer and Andrew Belcher, esqs. com- 
missioners appointed to receive and secure the same, under 
oath, to the Earl ofBellamont, Governor of Massachusetts. 

This is only a part of the first of 13 sheets, in which the 
whole account was comprized, as is certified by H. C. Ad- 
dington, Secretary^of State, July 25th, 1699. 

A list of the Governors, Lieutenant Governors, and Presidents 
of the CounrJl ivho administered the government of the colony 
and state of JSfew- York, from 1629 to the present time. 

DUTCH GOVERNORS. 

Wouter Van Twiller, - - 1 629 

William Kieft, - - - 1638 

Peter Stuyvesant, - - 1647 

ENGLISH GOVERNORS, hc. 

Richard Nicolls, - - - 1664 
Francis Lovelace, - - 1667 
Anthony Colve, on a re-capture of the pro- 
vince by the Dutch - - 1673 
After the surrendei' to the English, Sir Ed- 
mund Andross. - - 1674 



181 

Anthony Brocliholst, • • 1G81 

Thomas Dongan, . « - 1683 

Francis Nicholson, • - 1688 

Jacob L.-isler, - - - - 1689 

Henrv Sl.aighler, - - 1691 

Kichard Ingolsby, - - " 1691 

Benjamin Fletciier, - - 1692 

Rici.aid, Earlof Bellamont, - - 1698 

John Nanfan, - - - 1699 

Lord Cornbury, - - - 1702 

Lord Lovelace, « - - 1708 

Richard Ingolsby, ... 1709 

Gerardus Beekman, - - 1710 

Brigadier Hunter, - - - 1710 

Peter Schuvler, - - - 1719 

William Burnet, - *■ - 1720 

John Montgomeric. - •■ 1728 

Rip Van Dam, - - - 1731 

William Cosby, - - ► 1732 

George Clark, - - - 173G 

George Clinton, ^ - - 1743 

Danvers Osborn, - - - 175o 

JamesDe l.ancey - - - 1753 

Sir Charles Hardy, > - . 1755 

James De Lancey, - - - 1757 

Cadwallader Colden. - - - 1760 

Robert Monkton, - - - 1762 

Cadwallader Colden, - - - 1763 

Henry Moore, _ . . 1765 

John, Earl of Dunmore - - - 1770 

William Tryon, - - - 1771 

STATE GOVEHNORS, 

George Clinton, _ » - 1777 

John Jay, - - - 1795 

George Clinton, _ - - 1801 

Morgan Lewis, - - - 1804 

Daniel D. Tompkins, - - - 1807 

De Witt Clinton, - - - 1817 

the same, . - - . 1820 

Joseph C. Yates, - - - (822 

De Witt Clinton, - - - 1824 



CONTENTS. 

Page. 

State of the Country at the time of its hrst settlement, 3 

Of the interfering claims of the Dutch and English, 5 

Of the settlement of the Island, - - - - 8 

Of Trade among the first settlers, » - - 14 

Of the Character of the first settlers, - - - 17 

Of the political condition of the English towns, - 19 

Of tlieir union with Connecticut, - - - 24 

Of the Ecclesiastical state of the several towns, - 28 

Of the Indians on Long-Island, - - - - 61 
Of the political condition of the several towns in the 

Dutch territory, _ - _ _ _ 80 
Of the English government after the conquest in 1664 

to the American Revolution, - - • 81 



APPENDIX. 

Sketch of General WoodhuU, 

Colonel William Smith, 

William Nicolls, Esq. 

Of the several Courts, _ > , 

Representatives in the first Convention, 
Population at different periods, 
Climate, - » . - „ 

Treaty of Hartford in 1650, . 
Remonstrance of the towns in 1655, 
Social Contract of East Hampton in 1655 
Original Dutch Grant for Jamaica, 
Transactions of Connecticut Assembly, 
Annexation of Long Island to New York, 
Deputies to Assembly at Hempstead in 16^5 
Address of the Deputies, 
Remonstrance of do 
Remonstrance of Southampton in 1671^, 
Petition of Court of Assize in 1681, 
Of the Pirate William Kidd, 
List of Governors, to the present time, 



- 


121 


- 


139 


- 


144 


- 


• 496 


- 


155 


. 


. 157 


. 


159 


. 


. 163 


• » 


163 


• 


168 


• ' 


168 




. 169 


> • 


170 


), . 


171 




172 


• 


P3 


• « 


175 


, 


. 178 




179 


t • 


180 



ERRATA. 

Page 17, opposite the word " Pasture," expunge 9. 

21, in the 7th line from the bottom for 1653, read 1663. 

28, in the 16th line from the top for " obtainiug," read retaining. 

33, opposite Jeremiah Hobart, under the head of removai, read 1696. 

Opposite Joshua Hart, under settlement, read.l77:i! and of removal 1773. 
Opposite Charles Webster, under removal expunge 1817. 
Opposite David Bostwick, under remarks, read removed to New. York. 
Opposite Elihu Spencer, under settlement, read 1758: and under remarks 
read removed to Trenton. 
53, vacant Dutch Reformed congregations, for 42 read 2t. 
55, in 11th line from bottom, expunge the word namt. 
57, in the date ot the ciiurch at Huntington, for 1734 read !764. 
add in I?lip, St. John's church 1766. 

In the date of tlie church at Brooklyn, for 1766, rea4 1737. 
es, in the 6th line from bottom, for 1635, read l!i37. 

71, iu the eth line of the note, expunge the whole clause which begins with the 
words "the following item," and insert, Mr. James was employed b7 
commissioners of the society for propagating the Gospel mi New-Enghnd 
for several years, to instruct the Indians on the Island. 
82 in the llth line from bottom, for recording, read according. 

104, in the 3d line from bottom, for 1685, read 1688. 

105, in the 9th line from the top, for 1691, read 1690. 

in the I5th line from the bottom, for New-York, read at New-York. 
IV in the 22d line from the top, for personiQed, read signified. 
"'inthelSth line from the bottom, for put iu the power, read put ii In the 
power. 
113, first line for ot read/oy-. 

122, line 17 for 8tii July, read 8th. 

123, in note for Corse where it occurs, read Corsa. 
137, under Cols, for La Rouse, read Roux. 

Under Lieut. Cols, for Corse, read Corsa. 

In line 3 from bottom in note for which read rvhom. 

142 line 8 from bottom, for Morripesson, read Mompessor. 

143 Transpose the clauses, read the Rev. Caleb Smith, &c. before William, son 

of the Judge's son Wm. in 22d line from bottom. Or say: The late 

Gen. John Smitli, the son of the Judge's Grandson William, and Great 

Grandson of Col.^mith. 
14G, in the bottom line for Hartford, read Stralftrd. 
158, In the comparison of the population oltlie Islind with the city of r.cw-\ o^k 

for 1820, reacJ 18:^0. 

Page 57, add in klip, St. John's Church, 1784. 

131, line 14 from bottom, for beiif read belief. 

143, line 17 from top, for writs read mills. 

144, line 4 from top, for great grandsons read great great grandsons, 
line 8 from top, for Northamptonshire read Oxfordshire. 

146, line 1 from top, for Lmmet read Emmott. "' 

line 8 from top, for honor read Honor. 
148, line 6 from bottom, (or of J slip read at Islip. 

169, line 20 from bottom, for 1664 read 1764. m» 0\ ^ H 

175, line 16 from bottom, for 1670 read 1670 or 1671. W •' O ^ 

'1 I 
In the list ol deputies at the meeting at Hempstead in 16C5, expunge the name of 
Thomas Baker opposite the town of Southamj:jton, and insert the names of Thom^i' 
Topping and John Howell. i 



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